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Today's Stories

August 12, 2004

Jeffrey St. Clair
How Bush Got (and Lost) His Wings

August 11, 2004

Ceylon Mooney
Who Woke Up Sen. Joe?: Watchers of the NJ Turnpike

Voices in the Wilderness
Hands Off Najaf

Ray McGovern
Porter Goss as CIA Director?

Robert Jensen
US Supports Anti-Democratic Forces in Venezuelan Recall

Annie Higgins
In Memory of Nick Pretzlik: As Good as It Gets

Alexander Cockburn
Bush v. Kerry: Not Even a Dime's Worth of Difference

Website of the Day
Nick Pretzlik

 

August 10, 2004

William A. Cook
Silencing the Voice of the People

Todd Chretien
California Greens at the Crossroads: Will It Be Nader or Cobb?

Dave Lindorff
Chicago on the Hudson?

Richard Gott
Loathed by the Rich: Why Chavez is Headed for a Big Win

Toni Solo
Bluebeard's Castle: Disappearing the Right to Development

Dave Zirin
Carl Eller's Plea

Rep. Ron Paul
Police State, USA

Patrick Cockburn
If the Chalabis Were Corrupt, They Weren't Alone

Website of the Day
The Surveillance-Industrial Complex

 

Sex, Drugs & the Blues!
Serpents in the Garden

CounterPunch's Sizzling New Book on Culture and Sex is Now Available
Click here to purchase

 

August 9, 2004

Tito Tricot
Pinochet Must Still be Tried: a Murderer and a Thief on the Loose

Ron Jacobs
In Memory of Deep Throat: the Day Nixon Was Gone

Norm Dixon
Crisis in Sudan: Oil Profits Behind West's Tears for Darfur

Kurt Nimmo
The Politics of Entrapment

Elaine Cassel
Welcome to Bush's America

Gary Leupp
Why Iraqi Christians are Moving to Syria

 

August 7 / 8, 2004

James Petras
The Anatomy of "Terror Experts": Meet the Mandarins of Abu Ghraib

Fred Gardner
Run Ricky Run: Football, Pot and Pain

Justin Delacour
Anti-Chavez Pollsters Panic: Fix Numbers; Reinvent Venezuela

Brian Cloughley
Persecuted by All; Supported by None: Who Would Be A Kurd?

Joshua Frank
The Outsider: a Talk with Ralph Nader

Iain A. Boal
On "Shame": Warmed-Over Orientalism and Racist Projection

Chris Floyd
All About Eve: Open Season on Women in DC and Rome

Andrew Fenton
Fighting for Democracy and Justice in Haiti

Aseem Shrivastava
Saga of an Anguished Afghan

Neil Corbett
See Cuba: Sometimes a Cigar is Just a Cigar, Mr. Bush

Carol Miller / Forrest Hill
Rigged Convention; Divided Party: How David Cobb Won with Only 12% of the Vote

Tarek Milleron
Breaking the Principled Voter

Donald Macintyre
The Battle of Najaf

Ron Jacobs
Spirits of The Dead: Why I Love My Petty Bourgeois Tendencies

Mickey Z.
Kid Gavilan's Grave: Propaganda Scores a TKO

Poets' Basement
Adler, Ford and Albert

 

 

August 6, 2004

Joshua Frank
David Cobb's Soft Charade: the Greens and the Politics of Mendacity

Derek Seidman
An Interview with Stan Goff

Mike Whitney
The Arbitrary Imprisonment of Jose Padilla

William S. Lind
Corruption in the Marine Corps

David Price
In the Shadow of Hiroshima and Nagasaki

 

 

August 5, 2004

Mike Ferner
The Kerry Show: When Peace is Off Message

Bruce Anderson
Two Rejections

Robert Fisk
The Tale of Saddam's Cameraman

Todd Chretien
Florida Comes to California: the Democrats' Plot Against Nader

Peter Linebaugh
Doing Time for Political Crime: Paul and Silas, Bound in Jail

 

 

August 4, 2004

Mickey Z.
Two Traditions: WMD and Disinformation

Justin Huggler
The Hunt for Bin Laden

John Ross
Mexico's Dirty War Never Ended: Inside Puente Grande Prison

 

August 3, 2004

Uri Avnery
The Oligarchs

Ray McGovern
The 9/11 Commission Chimera

Jack McCarthy
Sexual Politics in Jeb's Florida

Eric Ruder
Meet Barak Obama: the Democrats' New Liberal Star

John L. Hess
Crying Wolf: Orange Alert!

Elaine Cassel
Civil Liberties Elections: 1800 v. 2004

Jules Rabin
The Man Who Didn't Walk By

Website of the Day
No Wall

 

August 2, 2004

Robert Jensen
Kerry's Hypocrisy on the Vietnam War

Joshua Frank
Greens, Kerry and the Politics of Mendacity

Mike Whitney
The 9/11 Commission and Civil Liberties: "We Need an American Police State"

Gary Leupp
Beyond Good and Evil: Some Thoughts on Invasions

July 31 / Aug. 1, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Kerry: He's the (Any) One

Merlin Chowkwanyun
Five Questions with Noam Chomsky: "The Savage Extreme of a Narrow Policy Spectrum"

David Lindorff
The Shame of the DNC

John Chuckman
The Disturbing Words of John Edwards

Brian Cloughley
All Slam and No Dunk; All Blame and No Responsibility

Christopher Brauchli
"Being Poor is a State of Mind": the Frowning Face of Compassionate Conservatism

Fred Gardner
A World of Pain

Michael Donnelly
How Big Pharma Bilks the Elderly

David Nally
Genocide in Darfur?

Joshua Frank
Forest Battles Escalate in Oregon

Sam Bahour
Colin Powell and My Grandmother

Diane Farsetta
The IMF and the Indonesian Elections: The Invisible Hand in the Voting Booth

Harold Gould
Was Iraq a Mutual Charade?

Van Bergen / Stephens
Election 9/11: Surreal Political Theater

Lee Sustar
A New Model for the Labor Movement?

Ron Jacobs
The Lost Art of Hitchhiking

M. Junaid Alam
An Interview with Palestinian-American Rapper, The Iron Sheik

Poets Basement
Albert, Ford, Krieger, St. Clair

Website of the Weekend
Cross Cultural Poetics

 

July 30, 2004

Kolhatkar / Ingalls
Shattering Illusions: Kerry's Speech Tells Anti-War Activists They're Not Wanted

Dave Lindorff
Murder Not So Foul?

Bruce Jackson
Walt Whitman on the Sound of Wolf Blitzer's Voice

Fidel Castro
The Pathology of George W. Bush

Maximilien Robespierre
Memo to Kerry and Bush: Why They Resist

Saul Landau
Bush Charges Castro with Sex Tourism; JFK Rolls Over in His Grave


 

July 29, 2004

Cockburn / St. Clair
Hail, the Conquering War Criminal: What Kerry Really Did in Vietnam

Frank Bardacke
What Michael Moore Left Out of F9/11

Tom Barry
Shallow and Formulaic: Kerry's Latin America Plan

Ron Jacobs
Kerry and Lennon: Hawking the CounterCulture

Robert Fisk
The Unreported War

Lichtman / Kellis-Borok
What Kerry Must Do to Win (But Probably Won't)

William S. Lind
The 9/11 Commission Report: Cashing in on Failure

CounterPunch Wire
Doonesbury Onto John Kerry in 1971!

Website of the Day
Jabbing JibJab: Copyright Madness

 

 

 

July 28, 2004

Robert Fisk
The Occupation at 114 Degrees: Baghdad is Swamped in the Smell of the Dead

Kevin Mink
Kerry's Misperception of Palestine

Ray McGovern
Israel and the Iraq War: How the 9/11 Report Soft-Pedals Root Causes

United for Peace & Justice
An Open Letter to John Kerry: Winter Soldiers and Summer Patriots

Mike Ferner
Vets Demand End to Occupation: "Pull the Troops or Face Impeachment Mvt."

Imraan Siddiqi
Turning Tricks with Ann Coulter

Alexander Cockburn
Candidate Kerry

Website of the Day
Iraq Vets Against the War

 


July 27, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Why the Democrats Deserve Nader

Dave Lindorff
Back to the 19th Century: Globalization's Coming!

Mike Whitney
Control Room: Inside Al Jazeera

Ali, Anderson, Bello, et al.
If We Were Venezuelan, We'd Vote for Chavez

Stefan Wray
Texas Plan to Grab Los Alamos Takes Hold, as DOE Shuts Down Labs

Louis Proyect
Reflections on Nicaragua: First Came the Contra Butchers, Then the Sweatshops

Rick Giombetti
Faith in Freedom: the Challenge of Thomas Szasz

Bill and Kathleen Christison
The 9/11 Report and Its Weak-Kneed Consensus: Dogding Israel/Palestine; Blinkered on Causes of Terrorism

 

 

July 26, 2004

Todd Chretien
Green Resistance: a Reply to Normon Solomon & Medea Benjamin

Robert Fisk
Terror by Video

Richard Forno
Security Theater in Boston: Security Expert Harrassed by DHS for Exposing Flaws at the Fleet Center

Mitchel Cohen
Report from a Boston Demo: Arresting the Curious

Richard Moreno
Rockers for Justice: an Interview with Tom Morello and Serj Tankian

Alexander Cockburn
Boston Awaits a Dead Party

 

 

July 24 / 25, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
The Democrats and Their Conventions: Part One

Dennis Hans
Those 16 Words Still Smell, Mr. Bush

Patrick Cockburn
The Struggle for Iraq is Only Beginning

Josh Frank
The War Path of Unity: Dems Reject the Peace Movement

Justin E.H. Smith
Christianity and the Left: the Latin American Experience

Tariq Ali
What's at Stake in Venezuela

Fred Gardner
The Politics of Pot: Year of the Antagonist

Mark Scaramella
There's Dope and There's Dope

Ron Jacobs
The Weather Underground's Prairie Fire Statement...35 Years On

 

 

July 23, 2004

Lee Sustar
Revolution in Nicaragua: 25 Years On

Dave Lindorff
Battle for NYC: Bush 1, Protesters 0

Saul Landau
Zaniest President in US History: Bush Beats Reagan

Mike Whitney
The 9/11 Whitewash: Blaming No One

Mickey Z
Get On the Bus: 150 Years After Elizabeth Jennings

Gary Leupp
The 9/11 Commission and the Looming War on Iran

 

July 22, 2004

M. Junaid Alam
Ten Ways to Build a Better Democrat

Brian McKinlay
Rusted On Down Under: Howard, Bush and Sharon

Jason Leopold
Cheney Lobbied for Easing of Sanctions on Terrorist Regimes While CEO of Halliburton

Chris Floyd
Mob Rule: Ripping the Lid Off of America's Pious Myths

Uri Avnery
Chirac v. Sharon

 

July 21, 2004

Paula J. Caplan
The Emotional Casualities of War: Psychologists Can't Heal All the Damage

Joshua Frank
Nader Sleeping with the Enemy? Let's be Fair

Ron Jacobs
American Exceptionalism

Reza Ghorashi
The Elections, Iran and al-Qaeda

Amy Martin
Will Congress Rearm the Guatemalan Generals?

John Ross
Bush May Lose, But His Wars Will Go On and On

 

July 20, 2004

Stan Cox
The Bush / Kerry War Ticket

Chris Randolph
An Open Letter to Dr. Ehrenreich: It's Over, Barb!

Forrest Hylton
The Ghosts of Gonismo: "Popular Patricipation" and Bolivia's Gas Referendum

Mark Scaramella
It's Official! Mendocino County is Crazier and Fatter Than the Rest of California

Sam Bahour
The World is Knocking on Israel's Door

George Reiter
A Defense of David Cobb

John Ross
Burying Iraq, Burying Bush

John L. Hess
Girlie Stuff: Media Tolerance of Arnold & Co.

Website of the Day
This Land is Your Land

 

 

July 19, 2004

Uri Avnery
Marie and the Ghosts: the Hoax of Paris

Col. Dan Smith
What Has Been Accomplished?

Mike Whitney
Allawi: Our Puppet with a Pistol

Karyn Strickler
Just Marriage, Not Gay Marriage

Robert Fisk
The Crisis of Information in Baghdad

David Swanson
Media Blackout of US Labor Opposition to Iraq War

Jennifer van Bergen
The Death of the Great Writ of Liberty

 

July 17 / 18, 2004

Gary Leupp
Apocalypse Now: Why the Book of Revelations is Must Reading

Ghada Karmi
Vanishing the Palestinians

Lenni Brenner
When Cattle Unite, Lions Go Hungry: Notes for Ralph Nader

Ben Tripp
Man on a Bridge: a Ghost Story

Brandy Baker
What Would Elizabeth Cady Stanton Make of John Kerry?

M. Shahid Alam
Israel Builds Another Wall

Sasan Fayazmanesh
Nuclear Hypocrisy: Israel, Iran and the IAEA

Patrick Bond
The George Bush of Africa

Fred Gardner
Politics of Marijuana: Cannabiniod Therapuetics

William Blum
Bush and Thucydides

Ben Terrall
Carter and the Indonesia Elections: "I Don't See Anything Wrong with a General Running the Country"

Tom Barry
John Lehman on the War Path

David Vest
Dylan Without the Music

Phyllis Pollack
Return to Sin City: Keith Richards Does Gram Parsons

Ron Jacobs
Smearing Muhammad Ali: Bob Feller Strikes Out

Joshua Frank
Kerry to Edwards: "Let's Lose!"

David Nally
A Call for Sudan: Our Georgraphical Blindspot

Toni Solo
Bolivia's Gas Referendum

Landau, Hassan, Prashad & Lindorff
Three Reviews of Moore's F911

Poets's Basement
Ford, Smith and Albert

 

 

July 16, 2004

Dave Zirin
Adonal Foyle: Master of the Lefty Lay-Up

Shervan Sardar
Dershowitz, the ICJ and Jim Crow Laws

Ron Jacobs
The Lil' Engine That Couldn't: Kucinich Surrenders on Anti-War Plank

Robert Fisk
Iraq, According to Edgar Allen Poe: Coffin Bombs in Baghdad

Greg Moses
The Forts of Iraq

Mickey Z.
Ad Infinitum?: Presidential Campaigns in the Age of TV

Dan Bacher
A Landmark Win for Salmon and the Tribes

Dave Lindorff
The Mumia Case: Support from NAACP, But a Movement in Shambles

Paul McGeough
Did Allawi Shoot Inmates in Cold Blood?

Website of the Day
10 Reasons to Fire Bush (and 9 Reasons Kerry Won't Be Any Better)

 

 

 

July 15, 2004

Heather Williams
McMissing the Point: Supersize Me Crashes on Its Message

Werther
Iraq: Follow the Money

Tom Crumpacker
The Birds of Guantanamo

Brian Cloughley
What Does the Bush Regime Object To?

Bill Christison
Reorganize the CIA? Of Course, But...

 

July 14, 2004

Jeffrey St. Clair
Chronicle of a Nomination Foretold: the Green Deceivers

Neve Gordon
Of Socrates and the Apartheid Wall

Diane Christian
The Priesthood of Death

Stefan Wray
Who Benefits from Missing Data at Los Alamos Nuclear Lab?

Josh Frank
The Nader / Dean Debate

Conn Hallinan
Divide and Conquer as Imperial Rules

Elizabeth Weill-Greenberg
Bring My Brother Home!: Class, War and Education

Website of the Day
Hijacking Catastrophe: 9/11, Fear and the Selling of US Empire

 

 

July 13, 2004

Ray McGovern
The CIA and Iraq: an Intelligence Debacle...and Worse

Mark Donham
The Sierra Club's Inexplicable Treatment of Cynthia McKinney

Ben Tripp
Politus Interruptis: With Friends Like These, Who Needs Electorates?

Mark Gaffney
Slipping Towards Armageddon: Israel in Iraq

Dave Lindorff
Osama Wins! Election Postponed!

Chris White
Double Think: the Bedrock of Marine Indoctrination

 

 

July 10 / 12, 2004

Kathleen Christison
The Problem with Neutrality Between Palestinians and Israel

Janine Pommy Vega
Trail of the Comet: a Gathering of the World's Poets Against War

Sherry Wolf
From Maverick to Party Attack Dog: Howard Dean Gay-Bashes Nader

Saul Landau and Farrah Hassen
A Transfer of Power, Sort Of

Michael Donnelly
How to Steal an Election: the Green Version, 2004

Stanton / Madsen
Iraq Survey Group: Rumsfeld's al-Qaeda?

Richard Lichtman
The End of Innocence: Reflections on American Pathology

Gila Svirsky
Thank You, Your Honors: a Legal Blow to the Wall

Kurt Nimmo
Clinton's Life

Toni Solo
Empire-Speak: What Roger Noriega Really Means

Ron Jacobs
The Black Panthers and the Rest

Camelo Ruiz Marrero
Gene Warfare in Oaxaca: Genetic Mutation of Mexican Maize

Omar Barghouti
Wither the Empire: Rise of a Global Resistance

Poets' Basement
Curtis and Albert

 

July 9, 2004

Dave Zirin
Carlos Delgado on Deck: Blue Jays Slugger Stands Up Against War

Justin Delacour
Wishing Kerry Would Shut Up About Latin America

Robert Fisk
Iraq in Reverse: Martial Laws Fuel Insurgency

Boris Kagarlitsky
Two Congresses and a Funeral

William S. Lind
The October Surprises

Sibel Edmonds
Our Broken System: John Ashcroft's War on Truth

Ron Jacobs
Reading Tea Leaves: What Vietnam Tells Us About Iraq's Future

Gary Leupp
The Lie That Will Not Die: Cheney and the Iraq/al-Qaeda Link

 

July 8, 2004

Niranjan Ramakrishnan
The Inexplicable John McCain

Toufic Haddad
Protesting Israel's Apartheid Wall: a Letter from the Hunger Strikers' Tent

Dave Lindorff
Liberation as Martial Law

Joshua Frank
The Fall: How Beltway Dems Sank Howard Dean

Christopher Brauchli
Bush & Cheney Play the Hitler Card

James Petras
The Truth About Jimmy Carter

 

July 7, 2004

John Chuckman
Kerry's BBQ: a Deafening Silence of Meaning

Virginia Tilley
A Line in the Sand: Azmi Bishara's Hunger Strike

Susan Martinez
A Letter to Bill Cosby

Mickey Z
Elie Wiesel's Strange Parade

Michael Donnelly
Our Own Private Wilderness: Trusting the Land in the Inland Empire

Sean Donahue
Boston Social Forum: the Dems aren't the Only Show in Beantown

Diane Christian
Sovereignty and Freedom in Iraq

 

July 6, 2004

Lisa Viscidi
Fleeing Guatemala: Central Americans Risk Lives to Reach El Norte

Marc Norton
The Felonious Five Ride Again: the Supreme Court and Enemy Combatants

James Brooks
Chemical Warfare on the West Bank?

Ray McGovern
Porter Goss as CIA Director?

William Cook
Legacy of Deceit: If Dante Knew of Bush and the Neo-Cons...

 

July 5, 2004

Forrest Hylton
US Imperialism in Latin America: Sept. 11, July 4 and Systematic Torture

Chris White
A Former Marine Sgt. on the Meaning of Independence Day

Joe Bageant
Cranky Reflections on the 4th of July

Robert Jensen
Stupid White Movie: What Michael Moore Misses About the Empire

Kathy Kelly
"Two Days an' a Wake-Up"

 

July 3 / 4, 2004

Elaine Cassel
Bush's Police State and Independence Day

Stan Goff
ABC of Opportunism: "Progressive" Latin American Leaders Support the Coup in Haiti

Snehal Shingavi
"We Want Real Justice for Bhopal": Two Survivors Speak Out

Bruce Anderson
The Cheney-Leahy Metaphor and the Greens

Sharon Smith
Twilight of the Greens: the Chokehold of "Anybody But Bush"

Josh Frank
Ralph Nader's Revolt: an Interview with Greg Bates

Robert Fisk
Pentagon Tried to Censor Saddam's Hearing

Joe Bageant
Sons of a Laboring God: Leftnecks Unite!

Brian Cloughley
Fortress Bush and the One Law Doctrine

Justin Delacour
The Anti-Chavez Echo Chamber: Venezuela's Media Tycoons

William S. Lind
Saudi Spillover

Linda S. Heard
A Joke Called "Justice"

Greg Moses
"It's Illegal, But It's Our Right": Korean Labor Won't Back Down

Ron Jacobs
"Ain't You Proud to be White on Independence Day?"

Toni Solo
Weary of Indigenous Resistances? Just Pretend They're Not There

Dan Nagengast
Chicken Manure as Cattle Food: Safe, But Do We Want to Eat It?

Stew Albert
Brando, a Personal Recollection

Dave Zirin
From the Black Panthers to Sacheen Littlefeather: a Eulogy for Our Brando

Patrick W. Gavin
The Progressive Case for Dodgeball

Steven Rosenthal / Junaid Ahmad
The Problem is Bigger Than the Bushes: a Review of F911

Poets' Basement
Kearney, Ford and Davies

Website of the Day
Global Peace Solution

 

July 2, 2004

Jeffrey St. Clair
Suicide Right on the Stage: the Demise of the Green Party

Douglas Valentine
Fahrenheit 911: Mocking the Moral Crisis of Capitalism

Gary Leupp
"Just Because I Could": On Obscenities and Opportunities

Lee Ballinger
Illegal People: Kerry Opposes Immigrant Rights

Robert Fisk
Saddam in the Dock: Confused? Hardly

CounterPunch Wire
"What Law Formed This Court?": a Transcript of Saddam's Arraignment

Christopher Brauchli
Bush's Drug Card Lottery: the Price Ain't Right

Saul Landau
Buzz Words and Venezuela

 


July 1, 2004

Katherine van Wormer
Bush's Damaged Mind: the Madness in His Method

Joe Bageant
Is Our President a Whackjob? Does It Matter?

William James Martin
The Dogma of Richard Perle

Dave Lindorff
Bush's Evacuation Moment

Robert Fisk
Bread and Circus Trials in Iraq

Alan Maass
Green Party in Reverse

Website of the Day
Michael Moore and Israel: Blind or a Coward?

 

 

June 30, 2004

Kurt Nimmo
Nicholson Baker's Checkpoint: a New Kind of Anger About Bush

Tariq Ali
Getting Away with Murder in Iraq

Jennifer Van Bergen
Bush and the Detainees

Douglas Valentine
Apotheosis of the Psychopaths: Instead of Fahrenheit 9/11, Rescreen The Quiet American

David Price
Fahrenheit 9/11 Through the McCain-Feingold Looking Glass

Roger Normand
America's Criminal Occupation of Iraq

Stan Cox
Sanitized for Your Protection: Ashcroft's War on Art

Henry David Thoreau
On the Futility of Bush v. Kerry: All Voting is a Kind of Gaming

Ben Tripp
Who Dast Call Him Liar: a Rebuttal to Nicholas Kristof

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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August 12, 2004

How Bush Got (and Lost) His Wings

Tracking the National Guard Career of the Fatuous Flyboy from New Haven

By JEFFREY ST. CLAIR

He mumbles a prayer and it ends with a smile
The order is given
They move down the line
But he'll stay behind and he'll meditate
But it won't stop the bleeding or ease the hate
Sky pilot, Sky pilot
How high can you fly?
You'll never, never, never reach the sky.

Eric Burden and the Animals

If a bullfrog had wings, it wouldn't bump its ass.

Merle Haggard

The early winter of 1968 was a season of acute anxiety for the young George W. Bush. As his academic career at Yale sputtered to an inglorious denouement, the war in Vietnam was hurtling forward at full-bore with the onset of the Tet Offensive. In those perilous months, there were 350,000 US troops in Vietnam, dying at a rate of more than 350 a week. From Bush's perch in New Haven, elite hamlet of his birth, the draft loomed, casting a chill shadow over his future.

Bush faced limited options. Unlike his warden-to-be Dick Cheney, this randy bon vivant wasn't prepared to anchor himself down in early wedlock, which would have entitled him to a marriage deferment. There were too many oats yet to be sown. How many seeds in how many fields? Tough to say precisely, but in the ripe phrase of one of Bush's drinking buddies from the 1970s: "he bedded nearly every bimbo in West Texas, married or not."

Alas, the remedial scholar's grades at Yale, already puffed-up beyond all merit courtesy of his legacy admission, proved to be so paltry that the escape hatch of graduate school was out of the question, too.

Only one sure sanctuary remained: the National Guard.

In January of 1968, Bush sent enquiries to the National Guard. It seems Bush had had an epiphany: he wante to be a pilot, just like his dad. Well, not exactly like Pappy, who was shot down flying a fighter in World War II. Yes, Lil' Bush wanted to fly fighter jets, but not in dicey combat situations. That, naturally, would defeat the entire purpose of joining the Guard.

In 1989, Bush explained the coarse calculus behind his decision to a reporter from the Lubbock Avalanche-Journal, "I'm saying to myself, 'What do I want to do?' I think, I don't want to be an infantry guy as a pilot in Vietnam. What I do decide to want to do [sic] is learn to fly."

The National Guard commanders responded warmly to Bush's initial probings, but noted, somewhat ominously for the fratboy flier, that before his application could be accepted he had to submit to a battery of physical and mental tests. Damn, Bush must have shivered, more exams and no helpful tutors from the egghead division of Skull and Bones to guide him through the intellectual shoals!

At the time Bush applied to the National Guard, there were 100,000 other young men in line before him, stalled on a crowded waiting list hoping their number would be called before they were sucked up by the draft and dropped onto the killing fields of the Mekong Delta. In Texas alone, there were 500 applicants frantically vying for only four open slots for fighter pilot-training in the Air National Guard.

At first blush, Bush didn't seem to have much of a shot at landing one of those choice positions. First, he flunked his medical test. Then he flunked his dental exam. And finally, as Ian Williams reveals in Deserter, his merciless indictment of Bush's disappearing act in the National Guard, he scores a rock-bottom 25 percent on his pilot aptitude examination. That's one out of four correct answers, a ratio that is not even a credible mark in cluster-bombing class. To put this achievement in perspective, the average score of applicants taking the pilot aptitude test was 77 percent, a whopping fifty-two percentage points higher than the proud product of the Yale ancestral admissions program. More than 95 percent of the testers scored higher than Bush, the Ivy Leaguer.

Aptitude for piloting a fighter jet notwithstanding, on May 27, 1968, just nervy twelve days before the expiration of his student deferment, Bush the Younger was accepted into the Texas Air National Guard. On his application form under the heading "Background Qualifications," Bush declares in a refreshing spurt of honesty "None."

Today the pipsqueak commander-in-chief has exploited the Guard and Army Reserve as a form of covert conscription to beef up troop numbers in Iraq and Afghanistan. But in those days National Guard squadrons were generally not being sent off to the frontlines in Vietnam. But just to be sure, Bush checked the box on his enlistment form saying he was unwilling to do time overseas. That box was a comfy failsafe that is no longer available to young people seduced into signing up as weekend warriors in Bush's National Guard.

Flush with excitement at his triumphal entry into the Air National Guard, Bush averred to one-and-all that he had caught the flight bug. He duly submitted to the Guard brass a "Statement of Intent," pledging that he had "applied for pilot training with the goal of making flying a lifetime pursuit and I believe that I can best accomplish this to my own satisfaction as a member of the Air National Guard as long as possible."

This seems like boilerplate stuff. But it is a crucial document in at least one respect. Getting the dunderheaded Bush air-ready was going to take a lot of training and the Guard wanted to get a guarantee that it would get a minimal return on its investment-if not a special line-item in the appropriations bill, at least commitment from Bush that he would stick around as a pilot for the duration of his commitment, if not beyond. Ian Williams estimates that the Guard spent more than a million dollars training Bush how to fly. Bush was warned that any prolonged absence from the Guard would result in him being ordered to "active duty" for a period of two years.

What the commanders of the Guard may not have known at the time was that in Bush's mind it was either the Guard or Canada. In 1994, the gunshy Bush, who tortured animals as teen-ager, fessed up to the Houston Chronicle that being sent to Vietnam was simply not an option for him: "I was not prepared to shoot my eardrum out with a shotgun in order to get a deferment. Nor was I willing to go to Canada. So I choose to better myself by learning how to fly airplanesI don't want to play like I was somebody out there marching when I wasn't. It was either Canada or the service. Somebody said the Guard was looking for pilots. All I know is, there weren't that many people trying to be pilots."

As we now know, there were more than 500 people looking to be pilots in Texas alone, nearly all of them more qualified for the slots than Bush.

So how did this miraculous induction come about? Bush has long denied he got any favored treatment, which would seem unmanly. But there's now little doubt that the draft evader benefited from at least three pairs of helping hands: Sid Adger, a Texas oilman and Bush family crony, Ben Barnes, then Speaker of the House in Texas, and Gen. James Rose, former commander of the Texas Air National Guard.

The truth began to trickle out in 1999, when Barnes, then a top lobbyist and political fixer in Austin, became a witness in a lawsuit by Laurence Littwin. Littwin was suing the State of Texas for firing him as lottery directory, which he claimed was politically motivated. The Littwin lawsuit is a complex and confusing affair that provides a glimpse at the baseline of corruption pullulating through the Texas political system.

In sum, Littwin claimed that he was forced to hire a company called GTech to run the Texas lottery in order to suppress the real story of how Bush won entry into the Guard-namely that Ben Barnes had pulled strings with Gen. Rose. In the 1990s, Barnes worked a lobbyist for GTech. Indeed, GTech had paid Barnes $23 million for his expert services.

In his deposition, Barnes denied blackmailing Littwin into giving GTech the lucrative contract. But he confessed, with the haughty sense of accomplishment that only an apex politico can impart, that he had indeed opened the backdoor for Bush into the Air National Guard. Barnes said that he responded to a distress beacon from Bush intimate Sid Adger, a now dead Texas oil tycoon, and prevailed on Gen. Rose to adopt the young Bush as a member of the Guard's flying elite, which then included the war aversive sons of Gov. John Connelly and Sen. Lloyd Bentsen. It helped that Barnes's chief of staff, Nick Kralj, also served as a top aide-de-camp to the general. Mission accomplished.

But the handouts didn't stop there. Bush didn't want to remain a lowly private or corporal in those drab uniforms. He saw himself as officer material. Yet, he had no desire to subject himself to the mental and physical rigors of Officer Candidate School. In his mind, he was a birthright officer. And so it came to be. After a mere six weeks of training, Bush was promoted to the rank 2nd Lieutenant. He didn't even have his pilot's license.

In the wake of this astounding achievement, Bush felt it was time for a breather. He abandoned his training with the Guard for two months, hightailing it to the beaches and bars of Florida, where he claimed to have occasionally lent the services of his agile political mind to the senatorial campaign of rightwing, neo-segregationist congressman Ed Gurney, a favorite of Richard Nixon. Gurney won, but his victory was short lived. Gurney was later indicted by a federal grand jury on charges of political corruption, bribery and perjury. He walked away a free man courtesy of a hung jury.

* * *

After the election, Bush headed for Moody Air Base in Georgia to complete his pilot training with the 3559th Student Squadron. Around Thanksgiving, Bush was once again whisked away from the monotony of life as a fighter-pilot-in-training, this time courtesy of Richard Nixon. The president sent a plane to Moody Air Base to pick up the young Bush so that the newly brevetted lieutenant could escort Nixon's fabulously neurotic (and what progeny of Nixon's wouldn't at least be neurotic?) daughter Tricia out on a date. Sparks didn't fly. The young officer made clumsy advances, which Tricia deftly deflected. She later described Bush as "testy."

And so the days and weeks of Bush's service to the country, as commander-in-chief likes to put it, during the war in Vietnam rolled on. His instructors at the Moody Air Base assigned Bush the task of learning how to fly the F-102, an obsolete fighter soon destined for the scrap heap.

Finally, on June 23, 1971 Bush graduated from combat flight training school. Now he was ready to defend the airspace of Texas from hostile incursions from Mexico, Belize or the Virgin Islands.

Except that George the Younger apparently had formed other plans. Without informing the Guard commanders who had saved him going to Vietnam, Bush quietly applied for admission to study law at the University of Texas. For one of the few times in his life, Bush didn't get immediate gratification.

The flying fratboy's application to the University of Texas law school was ungraciously declined, despite the pleas of his father, who had just lost a fierce senatorial campaign against Lloyd Bentsen. Whatever its faults, apparently the University of Texas isn't prone to handing out legacy admissions to New Haven-born whelps of the political elite. Even in Texas, you have to draw the line somewhere.

Sulking at this unfamiliar rebuke, Bush slunk off to Ellington Air Base near Houston to join the 111th Fighter Squadron. By most accounts, his drinking, already problematic, began to intensify. By other accounts, it was during this time in Ellington that Bush began to refamiliarize himself with his narcotic of choice at Yale...cocaine. In his college days, Bush not only snorted, he dealt. Among the haut monde at Yale, he was known as one of the top purveyors of primo Colombian powder in New Haven, dispensing the crystal snow from ounce bags.

Now we come to the crucial lost years of 1971 and 1973. Shortly after Bush arrived at Ellington, his political ambitions begin to percolate to the surface. He tells the Houston Post that he is considering a run for the Texas state senate. His testing of the waters doesn't excite much interest and nothing comes of it.

So he continues flying, mainly on weekends, over the course of the next year. And he continues getting inebriated. On a trip back to Washington, DC at Christmastime, Bush treats his younger brother to a night cruising the bars of Georgetown. In the early hours of the morning, a shit-faced Bush crashes his car into a row of garbage cans in front of the family house. Roused from his slumbers by the racket outside, his father confronts him in the driveway about driving around drunk. Bush the Younger threatens to pummel his father with his fists, but Marvin, also drunk, intervenes and Bush is sent packing back to Texas.

In April of 1972, two important events coincide. The Air Force mandates drug testing for all pilots during medical exams and Bush takes what will turn out to be his last flight as a pilot for the Air National Guard.

Less than a month later, Bush flees his Texas Guard base for Alabama, where he signs up to work on the congressional campaign of Winton "Red" Blount, a friend of Bush's father and Nixon's postmaster general. He didn't inform his superiors at Ellington that he had left Texas until two weeks later, when he requested a transfer to the 9921st Air Reserve Squadron, a postal unit with no fighter jets. Initially, the transfer is granted.

No one recalls seeing Bush report for duty and there is no documentary record supporting his service there, which, in any event, was to consist primarily of reading flight manuals--an uninviting assignment for the quasi-literate airman. On July 6, Bush is scheduled to take his required flight physical, which will for the first time include a drug test. He fails to show up. Failure to take a flight physical is grounds for immediate suspension of his pilot's license.

These days Bush claims that he simply blew off the physical because the Guard was phasing out the F-102 and he didn't expect to be piloting any more flights. This excuse is circumspect for two reasons. First, although the F-102 was on its way out, the jet had not yet been mothballed and Bush still had the opportunity to learn to fly the new generation of fighter jets. Indeed, there was a fleet of them just down the highway at Dannelly Air Base in Alabama. Moreover, the flight physical was a mandatory requirement of service. This was not a matter of getting a permission slip to play intramural polo at Yale. For most Guardsmen, failure to abide by such orders resulted severe consequences, like being compelled to spend two-years in active duty, perhaps in Vietnam.

On July 31, Bush's transfer to the Montgomery postal unit was overturned by the DC office, which deemed him "ineligible for reassignment to the Air Reserve Squadron. He is ordered to return to Ellington. But Bush doesn't pay any attention. Instead, he retreated to Miami with his father for the 1972 Republican National Convention, the last hurrah of Nixon.

Two weeks later Bush returns to Alabama, where he files a new transfer request, this time to the 187th TAC Recon Group in Mobile. The transfer is approved on September 5, 1972. The following day the Air Force officially revokes his flight privileges for "failure to accomplish annual medical examination."

Bush wasn't alone in losing his wings. The other pilot suspended alongside Bush was none other than his close friend, James M. Bath. Yes, that James Bath, who would in just a few short years become the financial factotum for the Bin Laden family in Texas. In the 1980s, it was Bath, backed by the Bin Laden fortune, who bailed Bush out of the financial ruin he had made of Arbusto Drilling and Harken Energy. Old friends down there are not forgotten.

The de-winged pilot was ordered to report for duty to Lt. Col. William Turnipseed, commander of the 187th Recon Group. The Colonel says he never meet Bush and there is no record that junior ever showed up at the base. "Had he reported in, I would have had some recall, and I do not," said Col. Turnipseed. "I had been in Texas, done my flight training there. If we had had a first lieutenant from Texas, I would have remembered."

On September 29, Bush was sent a letter commanding him to appear before the Flying Evaluation Board to explain why he had refused to take the medical exam. Bush never responded. At this point, Bush was not only AWOL, but in breach of two direct orders.

Meanwhile, back in Montgomery, Bush had apparently gone AWOL from the Blount campaign as well. He spent his nights carousing in the bars of Montgomery. He would arrive hung-over at the campaign office in the afternoon, prop his cowboy-booted feet on the desk and recount his night of debauchery. The women workers at the campaign headquarters called Bush the "Texas soufflé." Full of himself and stuffed with hot air, the blue-haired ladies for Blount snickered.

Blount lost the election, but remained tight with the Bush clan. His company, Blount International, continues to benefit from it close association with the Bushes and their wars. In 1991, Blount International got a multimillion-dollar contract to reconstruct bombed out Kuwait City. Later, it won one of the largest private contracts ever awarded by the Saudi Royal family. Now, Blount's firm is working as a subcontractor for Halliburton in Iraq.

In the fall of 1972, things began to look grim for the fatuous flyboy from New Haven. The National Guard was on his tail, demanding an explanation for why he had jilted them after they had saved him from Vietnam and had invested a million dollars in teaching him how to fly fighters.

Thanks to the investigations of the intrepid Larry Flynt, we now know that it was in this window of months that Bush apparently got a Houston woman pregnant and gallantly paid for her to have an abortion. It was also in this period that Bush, according to his biographer J.H. Hatfield, was arrested for possession of cocaine. Instead of landing in prison, the judge presiding over the case bent to the pleadings of Bush's father, then US ambassador to the UN, and ordered the young derelict to perform six month's worth of community service at PULL, a center for black youths in urban Houston.

Williams' book Deserter lends circumstantial credence to Hatfield's account and raises even new questions. According to Bush's autobiography (ghostwritten by his political au pair, Karen Hughes), A Charge to Keep, he met former Houston Oiler tight end John White in December of 1972. White, Bush claims, asked him to come work full-time at his Houston youth center, called Project-PULL. Bush, who until this charmed moment had never exhibited the slightest charitable instinct, agreed. He started work at PULL in January of 1973.

Now keep in mind that Bush supposedly already had a job, working for the National Guard. Yet over the next six months there's not one confirmed Bush sighting by his Guard commanders. In the ornithology of the Air National Guard, Bush is the rarest and stealthiest of birds, passing through Guard air space like a ghostly passenger pigeon. Indeed, when his superiors tried to fill out an annual evaluation of Bush's service they are unable to complete the form, writing on May 2, 1973: "Lt. Bush has not been observed at this unit during the period of the report."

A month later, National Guard HQ in Washington sent Texas Guard commanders an official query about Bush. The DC brass instructed the Texas crew to prepare a Form 77a on Bush "so this officer can be rated in the position he held." The Texas Guard, then run by Bush family cronies who now saw themselves implicated in the transgressions of the absconder fratboy, balks at the order. Indeed, they delay filing a response until November 12, 1973, by which time Bush has been honorably discharged from the Guard. Even then the response from the Texas HQ is coy, though ripe with nefarious possibilities: "Not rated for the period 1 May 1972 through 30 April 73. Report for this period unavailable for administrative reasons."

So it seemed that the bureaucratic vise beginning to squeeze young George. Then mysteriously Bush is recorded as having performed 36 days of duty between May and July of 1973. Bush doesn't recall precisely what he did. There are no pay records to confirm his service. No one in the Guard witnessed him on the base. Indeed, Bush couldn't have done the Guard service because by his own admission he was working full-time for John White at PULL-if he'd gone AWOL from that job he might have very well landed in jail. It now seems likely that the entry of those 36 days of service was post-dated by someone in the Texas office not only to protect Bush, but also to shield his retinue of enablers in the high command of the Texas Air National Guard.

In September Bush completed his tour of duty at PULL, applied to grad school, and despite being AWOL from the National Guard from May of 1972 through October of 1973, is granted an honorable discharge.

That fall Bush evacuated to Cambridge, making a soft landing at Harvard Business School, another reliable safehouse for the brattish scions of the ruling class. Fellow students at Harvard remember Bush prancing into lecture halls wearing his uniform. Even then, he had a taste for military cross-dressing, though no one in the Massachusetts National Guard ever recalls the tyro-in-a-jumpsuit showing up for duty at the base--although he did drop by once to have his choppers cleaned gratis by the Guard's dentist.

Whenever Bush plays dress-up, as he does at nearly every photo-op on a military site from the USS Lincoln to torture seminar rooms at Ft. Bragg, he comes off as the missing member of the Village People, which mayy explains his enduring appeal to the latent types manning the controls of the Christian right these days.

In the mid-1990s, as Bush began to plot his run for the White House, the governor and his handlers (Dan Bartlett, Karen Hughes and Karl Rove) realized that Bush's missing years in the Guard might prove problematic. After all, during the 1992 presidential campaign, Bush's father assaulted Clinton for his deft manipulation of Col. Eugene Holmes, the commander of Arkansas's ROTC, to sidestep the draft.

Bush's dilemma was trickier and more unseemly than Clinton's. In order to escape service in Vietnam, he had exploited his family's political connections to secure a choice spot in the Texas Air National Guard, despite failing his pilot aptitude test. Though a blatant act of patronage, Bush was promoted to officer status before he earned his pilot's license and without going to officer training school. He refused to take his mandatory flight physical and also refused to show up for a mandatory evaluation. He went AWOL for a year and a half and then requested and received an early discharge. All this after promising to "serve as long as possible" and to devote himself to a lifetime of high flying...flying planes, that is.

In the offices of the Texas Air Guard there were records documenting Bush's dubious career and exposing the holes in his extravagent version of his military service to the country. The most potentially damning of those documents (Bush's pay records) are now missing. Where did they go?

One intriguing explanation comes from Lt. Col. Bill Burkett, a top aide to Maj. Gen. Daniel James, III, then commander of the Texas Air National Guard. In 1997, Burkett claims he was just outside the open door of Maj. Gen. James's office when the general received a conference call from Joe Allbaugh, Bush's chief of staff, and Dan Bartlett, Bush's communications director. The conversation played out over James's speakerphone, where Burkett claims he overheard Bush's men order James to cleanse Bush's military files. Burkett said he recalled Allbaugh's saying: "We certainly don't want anything that is embarrassing in there."

A few days later, Burkett says that he saw Brig. Gen. John Scribner dispose of Bush's pay and performance records in a 15-gallon metal waste can inside the Texas Air National Guard Musuem. "The files had been gone through over the years," Scribner quipped to Burkett, pointing to the garbage can. "Not as much in here as I thought." Apparently, this was a mop-up operation to make sure that nothing had been missed in previous search-and-destroy raids on Bush's files.

Burkett went public with his recollections in the spring of 2004 during the mini-tempest in the corporate press over Bush's military record sparked by Michael Moore's assertion that the president was a "deserter." The president's praetorian guard went into action, smearing Burkett as a disgruntled malcontent with an ax to grind against Maj. Gen. James, who Bush had elevated to the head of the Air National Guard for the entire country. Although the Burkett story quickly faded, phone records and other documents back up the circumstances of his claims. And Burkett himself hasn't backed down despite the assaults on his character from Bush's political mercenaries. "If President Bush is going to be the first president in over one hundred years that puts himself in a uniform and uses taxpayer's money for a photo opportunity to land on a flight deck and say hooray," Burkett told reporters. "He's put it on the table and we deserve to know." But the press bus had long since pulled away, never to return to the scene of the crime.

Given this vaporous record of service during Vietnam, it takes a perverse kind of hubris for Bush to assail the military careers of a POW (John McCain), a bona fide killing machine (John Kerry) and a triple amputee (Max Cleland). It's the trademark of a pampered bully.

* * *

The moment George Bush refused to go spill blood in Vietnam may have been the moral Everest of his life. But he has long since buried that singular act of conscience beneath a stench-heap of warped psychological projection and ethical hypocrisy. The president remains a stunted brat and a coward at the core, dodging rules he forces others to abide by with unforgiving strictness. Festooned in a flight jacket he never deserved, Bush has ordered National Guard troops into a bloody desert war he and his chickenhawk cronies launched under fabricated pretexts. Then in order to hand out tax breaks to the super-rich and billion-dollar contracts to favored arms makers, Bush scrimped on the funding of his precious war itself: too few troops, under-armed, over-worked, operating with no occupation plan and no exit strategy.

In their quest to transfer every possible federal dollar to their fatcat base, the Bush regime even went so far as to try to slash combat pay and separation allowances and increase co-payments for the treatment of those maimed in battle. Although he opted out of the Guard early, Bush has now implemented (perhaps illegally) "stop-losses" orders, a kind press-ganging by Oval Office fiat that keeps National Guard and Reserve troops in Iraq far beyond their contracted tour of duty. In essence, they are war slaves.

When the Iraqi resistance surfaced with a vengeance after Bush made his premature declaration of victory, the faux-warrior taunted them by sneering, "Bring it on." They did. And more than 700 American soldiers have perished since the delivery of that infamous sideline chant, tossed off as if the president were still a flighty cheerleader at Andover. To top it off, while Bush still refuses to attend funeral ceremonies for slain soldiers, he wasted no time in trying to slash death benefits for military families. And on and on it goes.

Explain his actions? Not then, not now, not ever.

Just as he stiffed the Flight Evaluation Board in 1972, Bush now refuses to offer an explanation for his illegal and unjust war that has killed and maimed tens of thousands. "I'm the commander--see, I don't need to explain," Bush brayed in his best Mafia capo syntax to Bob Woodward. "I do not need to explain why I say things. That's the interesting thing about being the president. Maybe somebody needs to explain to me why they say something, but I don't feel I owe anybody an explanation." That's the distilled essence of George W. Bush from his very own mouth: a bellicose and imperious buffoon who has never once been held to account for the mayhem he leaves in his wake.

So yet again Bush has succeeded in doing the impossible: he has sullied the once heroic term "draft evader."

Jeffrey St. Clair is the author of Been Brown So Long It Looked Like Green to Me: the Politics of Nature, as well as Imperial Crusades: Iraq, Afghanistan and Yugoslavia and Dime's Worth of Difference: Beyond the Lesser of Two Evils, both with Alexander Cockburn.

Click Here for Cockburn and St. Clair's exposé of Kerry's war record in Vietnam.

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