Cockburn
/ St. Clair"s Scorching New History of a Decade of War
Now Available!

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New York Times Boosts Pet Developer
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Hamdi, Padilla & Rasul: Who Really
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Iyad Allawi, the CIA"s New Stooge
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Another Case of Blowback
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St. John
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American Swadeshi

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US to North Korea: "Trust Us"
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2006 Pentagon Budget as Sacrilege:
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Iraq: the Deadly Embrace
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Chomsky and Zinn Plan to Vote Nader

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Call Center ID Hypocrisy
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Kerry
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Barry
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Foundation Wars
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"They Had Me Arrested and Shackled My Son"
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The
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The
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Ron Jacobs
Nuclear Plants in US Protectorate of Iraq?
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Clinton Exhales
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Putin"s Helpful Remarks
Lucson
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Haiti After the Press Went Home: Chaos
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Frozen Gringos
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Mr. Ashcroft, Deport Me!
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Philly Daily News: "Four Wasted Years"
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Geneva Ignored
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Weekend
Edition
July 3 / 4, 2004
Weary of Indigenous
Resistances?
Just
Pretend They're Not There
By TONI SOLO
"Negotiating a free-trade
agreement with the U.S. is not something one has a right to -
it's a privilege."1
This quote from US Trade Representative
Robert Zoellick came to mind when the BBC reported former head
of Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq, US army General Karpinski on policy
at the US concentration camp in Guantanamo. Karpinski quoted
former Guantanamo commander Major General Miller saying , "At
Guantanamo Bay we learned that the prisoners have to earn every
single thing that they have." She went on, "He said
they are like dogs and if you allow them to believe at any point
that they are more than a dog then you've lost control of them."
2
Lessons from that kind of psychological
and physical torture are very evident in US government efforts
to force through coercive "free trade" deals on weaker
trading partners in Latin America. Disorientating high-pressure
timetables, meagre incentives and seriously damaging penalities
underlie the superficial, businesslike bonhomie. Over these trade-in-your-sovereignty
negotiations hangs constantly the perennial imperial Damocles'
sword - "comply.... or else". In the background, national
and international media sound the endless confidence-eroding
drip, drip, "there's no alternative....what choice do you
have?....no alternative.....".
The idea that the poor majority
in Latin America are unaware of the crude aggression and blunt
contempt for their needs and interests on the part of the United
States or complacent at their own governments' canine roll-over
responses is false. Resistance is widespread to US government
attempts to extend and consolidate imperial control of Latin
America's resources on behalf of giant multinational corporations.
One would never know that from the corporate-owned mainstream
media.
If it's
bad news for US allies, it's a non-event - Colombia
Only the most inescapable signs
of that resistance in Latin America make the corporate media.
The list of important events barely covered outside the countries
where they happened reveals how popular protest is neglected.
For example, the successful 37 day strike by national oil company
workers in Colombia this year received virtually no coverage
at all.
Organized to resist continuing
attempts to privatize the State oil company to favor multinational
giants like BP-Amoco and Occidental Petroleum, initially the
strike was declared illegal. Over 200 workers were fired. Seventeen
strike leaders were arrested. The government militarised petroleum
installations throughout the country. 3
Similarly, on May 18th around
half a million public workers held a national strike. A massive
protest in Cartagena was brutally repressed by the army. None
of this received coverage in the North American or European media
in any way comparable to the coverage given to the 2002 Venezuelan
opposition lock-out. Army and paramilitary massacres in Colombia,
such as those this May in Guajira and in Arauca, that would be
headline international news if they happened in Venezuela, are
simply not reported.
Mexico
Likewise, serious human rights
abuses in Vicente Fox's Mexico also go mostly unreported. An
overwhelmingly peaceful recent demonstration in Guadalajara outside
the meeting between European and Latin American leaders was violently
dispersed after provocations by a small number of aggressive
protestors well infiltrated by government provocateurs. Hundreds
of bystanders and peaceful demonstrators were rounded up, severely
beaten and in many cases tortured during their subsequent detention.4
In Chiapas, indigenous leaders
continue to be assassinated and indigenous communities displaced
and attacked. On June 7th indigenous leader Vazquez Alvaro was
murdered by gunmen believed to be in the pay of local landowners.
While Mexico has denounced Cuba for its human rights abuses,
Amnesty International had this to report about Mexico "In
May the UN Committee against Torture published its report on
a five-year investigation into torture in Mexico. The report
stated that incidents of torture "are not exceptional situations
or occasional violations committed by a few police officers but
that, on the contrary, the police commonly use torture and resort
to it systematically as another method of criminal investigation".5
AI also notes that a UN Special
Rapporteur for the area expressed concern that Plan Puebla Panama
threatens basic rights of indigenous communities in southern
Mexico. The report observes "In June local human rights
organizations opposed the threatened eviction of up to 42 indigenous
settlements in the Montes Azules Biodiversity Reserve in Chiapas,
on the grounds that communities had not been adequately consulted
and the measures were intended to encourage private investment,
not protect the environment."
Ecuador
All these abuses in Mexico
tend to be played down in the international media. Similarly,
in Ecuador, widespread popular protest against President Lucio
Gutierrez precarious government is also under-reported. Protestors
organized large demonstrations in Quito to mark the 34th general
assembly of the Organization of American States in early June.
Around the same time the major indigenous organizations declared
they would no longer recognize the legitimacy of the Gutierrez
government. 6
In the north of the country
highways continue to be cut by demonstrators protesting Ecuador's
growing involvement in the war in Colombia and against the upcoming
"free trade" talks with US trade negotiators. Gutierrez
is reported to have closed down press and radio media critical
of his government. But the formula for the international media
seems to be "Cuban censorship, bad: Ecuadoran censorship,
so what?...."7 So you only discover these reports on the
web.
The Bolivian
referendum
Just as all these events have
failed to attract the same level of attention in the international
media as similar events in Venezuela, coverage is largely absent
of the referendum scheduled for July 18th which will decide the
future of Bolivia's huge gas fields. Will they be ransacked by
the Pacific LNG consortium of BP- Amoco, British Gas and the
Spanish giant Repsol for sale in Mexico and the US? Or will they
be exploited so as to benefit Bolivia's impoverished majority?
The contrast between the virtually non-existent coverage of the
rights and wrongs of this referendum and that given to Venezuela's
referendum is sharp.
Bolivia is one of the poorest
countries in Latin America, with a population of just 9 million.
It's mineral wealth has been looted for centuries by Europe and
North America. It also has some of the largest natural gas reserves
in the world, 52 trillion cubic feet (TCF) of proven or probable
reserves and another 25 TCF of possible reserves. The importance
of the Bolivian government's energy strategy for the country's
future can hardly be overstated. In terms of Bolivia's future
geo-political options and economic development its reserves of
natural gas are fundamental.
The discredited government
of Sanchez de Lozada facilitated 78 natural gas concessions for
foreign companies before popular outrage at the waste of national
resources forced Sanchez de Lozada out of office and out of the
country in October last year. The replacement President Carlos
Mesa is desperately trying to defend his predecessor's largesse
to the multinational oil companies against growing popular rejection.
As part of the strategy to respond to demands from the popular
majority his government has called a referendum on the sale of
Bolivia's gas. President Mesa's government hopes the measure
may provide some legitimacy to the knock-down disposal of the
country's resources to foreign multinationals.
Some history
Rights to the country's fabulous
gas reserves began to be privatized under the government of Jaime
Paz from 1989 to 1993. From 1993 to 1997 Sanchez de Lozada's
government deepened the privatization process, forcing State
enterprises like the State energy company YPFB into public-private
partnerships with foreign multinationals. Successive laws and
administrative regulations throught the 1990s ate away at Bolivia's
sovereignty over its natural resources.
Much of this resulted from
pressure to comply with creditors' demands permitting Bolivia
to enter the first round of the Highly Indebted Poor Countries
(HIPC) initiative. Even after that "concession" Bolivia's
debt in 1999 still stood at over US$6bn -- nearly three times
its Gross National Product. In addition, the Sanchez de Lozada
government of that period signed agreements with World Bank and
US government bodies guaranteeing giveaway investment terms in
favor of foreign companies.
Bolivia's low production costs
-- as low as a quarter of those in Venezuela or Mexico -- are
a powerful magnet for predatory multinational looters. They make
exploitation of the gas fields viable in a pan-american market
where huge US reserves tend to keep prices low. Apart from the
Pacific LNG consortium, other companies anxious for a cut of
Bolivia's gas wealth include France's Total and Brazil's Petrobras
as well as Bechtel and BHP of Australia who want to use the gas
to generate electricity for copper operations in Chile -- Bolivia's
traditional enemy.
Geopolitics
-- a route to the sea after 125 years
The geopolitical angle for
many people in Bolivia is that Chile's need for cheap gas might
be land-locked Bolivia's opportunity for a route to the sea.
(Chile cut off Bolivia's access to the sea after war between
the two countries in 1879.) The Chilean army, the US government
and the multinational energy giants have other ideas. Reports
of large Chilean troop deployments along the border -- reports
vary from 22,000 to as many as 50,000 out of a total armed forces
of arround 90,000 - and information suggesting potential coup
attempts all raise the pressure on the Bolivian government to
play along with the status quo as much as possible. 8 (It's worth
noting that the Chilean armed forces are guaranteed a percentage
of all profits from Chile's copper production. In the mid-1990s
it received as much as US$400million from this source.)
The situation is aggravated
by the decision by Argentina's President Kirchner to restrict
sales of gas from Argentina to Chile as a result of the energy
crisis confronting his government. That energy crisis itself
is viewed by many as bogus, resulting more from attempts by the
energy multinationals to fix prices than from genuine shortages.
A powerful statement of that view is given by the Bolivian Coordinating
Group for Defence of Gas and Life in an open letter to the people
of Argentina, "There's much talk these days of an Energy
Integration Plan for the Southern Cone. We are ready to contribute
to it but to an integration between peoples in accord with the
need of the peoples not with the businesses of amoral multinationals."9
The questions
10
The Bolivian July 18th referendum
asks voters if they are in agreement with five apparently non-controversial
measures. These are:
1. the revocation of the current
Hydrocarbons Law
2.the recovery of all well-head
property rights over hydrocarbons by the Bolivian State
3.the re-establishment of YPFB
as a State entity controlling the production of hydrocarbons
4.the use of Bolivia's gas
to recover "useful and sovereign" access to the Pacific
5.the domestic industrialization of Bolivia's gas for internal
development with up to 50% charges to private companies for rights
to exploit the gas
The Central Obrero de Bolivia
(COB) the country's main workers union has rejected the questions
arguing that they represent an attempt to facilitate the passage
of a new Hydrocarbons Law to replace the discredited existing
Hydrocarbons Law. Opponents argue that whatever the result in
the first two questions, the multinationals will still retain
the rights granted by Sanchez de Lozada for 78 concessions lasting
up to 36 years representing the country's most important gas
reserves. The referendum touches nothing retrospectively, only
new concessions will be covered by any change in the law.
On question three even a "yes"
would only permit the Bolivian government more say in the three
privatized entities that resulted from the privatization of the
State petroleum company YPFB. Final decisions would still rest
with the majority shareholders -- the multinationals. Question
four is so vaguely worded that the government could use a "yes"
vote to accept merely a commitment to negotiate on the part of
the Chilean government while Bolivia's gas was still sold cheap
for shipment to Mexico and the US.
Question five conceals the
fact that without full control of the gas reserves and a State
company capable of exploiting those reserves it makes no sense
to talk about industrialization of the gas for the benefit of
the people of Bolivia. The question that is missing is: "Should
Bolivia's gas reserves be nationalized under a State energy company?"
That position is supported by around 80% of Bolivia's population
according to various groups opposing the government. 11
Bolivian
resistance: a civics lesson for Roger Noriega
On June 21st the COB launched
a campaign to collect a million signatures calling for nationalization
of the country's gas reserves. The US government may need to
send its regional representative on a basic civics class in Bolivia.
Apparently after having been asleep during recent events in Bolivia,
Roger Noriega woke up on March 2nd this year to tell the US Senate,
"A principal objective of our democracy program in Bolivia
is to draw the long-marginalized indigenous population into political
life."12
Arguably as crucial for the
future of Latin America as the presidential referendum in Venezuela,
very little of the national debate in Bolivia reaches the international
media. The imperial "free trade" consensus has never
had much time for genuine debate based on accurate and timely
information. But the referendums in Bolivia and Venezuela are
likely to deliver unmistakeable signals that the empire's subject
peoples have had enough - whether the corporate media report
it fairly or not.
Toni Solo is an activist in
Central America. He can be reached at: tonisolo01@yahoo.com
NOTES
1Speech to the International
Institute for Economics in Washington. May 8th 2003
2"General Karpinski :
Iraq Abuse 'Ordered From the Top'" BBC , Tuesday 15 June
2004 posted in Truth Out
3www.icem.org International
Federation of Chemical, Energy, Mine and General Workers' Unions.
4"Due Process in Guadalajara
Repression of Globalization Activists" by Patrick Leet,
ZNet, June 17, 2004
5http://web.amnesty.org/report2004/mex-summary-eng
6"Ecuador - Las naciones
indigenas desconocen al Gobierno de Lucio Gutierrez", 06/06/2004,
www.fundacionpacificar.org
7http://www.greenleft.org.au/back/2004/573/573p19.htm
8"Coup d'Etat Plot, Exposed,
Shakes Bolivia" By Luis Gomez, NarcoNews, April 22nd 2004
9"Carta abierta al Pueblo
Argentino De la Coordinadora de Defensa del Gas y de la Vida
de Bolivia", 22-06-2004 , www.rebelion.org
10http://www.bolivia.gov.bo/BOLIVIA/paginas/referendum.htm
11- http://www.cedib.org/pcedib/?module=displaystory&story_id=
7864&format=html - http://www.rebelion.org/bolivia/040521referendum.htm
12Testimony of Roger F. Noriega
Assistant Secretary of State, Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs,
Department of State Before the Committee on Foreign Relations
United State Senate, March 2, 2004
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