Cockburn
/ St. Clair's Scorching New History of a Decade of War
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Today's
Stories
June
11, 2004
Ron
Jacobs
Ray Charles' Legacy of Spirit
Chris
Floyd
Funeral Games
Mokhiber
/ Weissman
Remembering Reagan
Norman
Solomon
Media's Mourning in America
Alexander
Cockburn
Reagan in Truth and Fiction
June
10, 2004
Noam
Chomsky
The Apotheosis of Reagan : Divinity
Through Marketing
Gary
Leupp
Bush, the Religious Scholar
Patrick
Cockburn
The Iraqi Street Has Spoken: New
Govt. Made Up of CIA Pawns
Saul
Landau
Force-Feeding Lies About Free Trade
Scott
Evans
Settling for the System: How Punkvoter.com Became Just Another
Tool of the Democrats
Jacob
Levich
John Kerry's World of Hurt: Senator Supports Beam Weapons
Zeynep
Toufe
Reagan, Neo-Cons and the "Intelligence Failures"
Nico
Pitney
Reform at Wal-Mart?
Dave
Zirin
Son of a Reagan: What a Sporty 6-Year Old Saw at the Revolution
Jack
McCarthy
Where Were You When Reagan Croaked?
Gary
Corseri
Nouns That Should be Acronyms
David
Price
Reagan and the Black Budget
Website
of the Day
Inequality by the Numbers

June
9, 2004
Mustafa
Barghouthi
Israel's Common Use of Torture
Must be Exposed
Mike
Whitney
Alan Dershowitz, Still Defending
Torture
John
Chuckman
Why the CIA will Always be a Costly Flop
Jim
Tarbell / Roger Burbach
Bush's Democratic Charade in Iraq
Dave
Lindorff
Put Reagan on the $3 Bill
Miguel
D'Escoto
Reagan was the Butcher of My People
Becky
Burgwin
The Betrayal of Smarty Jones: Flogging a Natural Born Hero
Patrick
Cockburn
The Rich Have Been Warned to Leave
Baghdad

June
8, 2004
Jeffrey
St. Clair
The Nature of Ronald Reagan: Will
the Earth Accept His Corpse?
Dave
Lindorff
The March on Rumsfeld's House: Is
the US Anti-War Movement Running Out of Steam?
Phillip
Cryan
Torture, Bombings & the Press in
Colombia
Mark
Zepezauer
Getting Reagan Wrong
Mickey
Z.
Reagan, Radicals and Repetitive Reactions
John
L. Hess
Reagan and Bush in Normandy
Alex
Dawoody
Reagan and Saddam: the Unholy Alliance
Christopher
Fons
Reagan in a Word: Mean
Niranjan
Ramakrishnan
Some Tenets are More Important Than Others
Ahmed
Bouzid
Nothing New Under the Israeli Sun
Michael
Leon
Bush the Narcissist
June
7, 2004
Jason
Leopold
New Enron Docs Show Lay and Skilling
Knew of California Trading Schemes
Patrick
Cockburn
The Baghdad Bombings: the Pattern
of Attacks is Changing
Dennis
Hans
From Afghanistan to El Salvador: Reagan's
Dark Global Legacy
Tracy
McLellan
Nader at the National Press Club:
a Glimpse at a Different Kind of Politics
Bill
Blum
The Myth of the Gipper: Reagan Didn't
End the Cold War
Ben
Tripp
What I Owe Reagan: the Brylcreemed
Bullshitter
Susan
Davis
Reagan, In a Nutshell
Phil
Gasper
Reagan: Goodbye and Good Riddance
Website
of the Day
A Child's ABCs of Terrorism

June
5 / 6, 2004
C.
Douglas Lummis
Toward a Universal Declaration of
Human Wrongs
Saul
Landau
Five Cubans in Prison, Victims of Bush's Obsession
Dave
Lindorff
John Walker Lindh, Revisited
Brian
Cloughley
Apologies, Please, From Those Who Got It Wrong
Rich
Gibson
The Grenada 17: the Last Prisoners of the Cold War are Black
Elaine
Cassel
A Sorry FBI
Cathrin
Schütz
On the Ruins of Yugoslavia
Ben
Tripp
Call Me, Mr. Cassandra
Kurt
Nimmo
The Madness of King George
Ron
Jacobs
They Ain't Goin' Nowhere (Unless We Make It So)
Laura
Flanders
The Lynne Cheney Show?
Lenni
Brenner
Renaissance Noir: Caravaggio at the Met
Abigail
Jones
Whatever Happened to Lori Berenson, President Toledo's Trophy
Prisoner?
Mark
Latham
Nothing Bush Said Has Changed Our Hopes
Gerry
Adams
I Was Photographed While Tortured, Too
Toni
Solo
Venezuela 2004, Nicaragua's Contra War Reprised
Derek
Seidman
Meet the New Boss, Same as the Old
M.
Junaid Alam
Torture is Just the Symptom
Matt
Siegfried
An American Way of War
Dave
Zirin
The Politics of Charles Barkley
Poets'
Basement
Albert, Krieger, St. Clair
Website
of the Weekend
Overnight Sensations

June
4, 2004
Chris
Floyd
Masked and Anonymous: Inside America's
Animal House
Cornwell
/ Penketh
Exit Tenet: the Fall of a Fall Guy
Wayne
Madsen
Apprehension & Frustation: Neo-Cons on the Brink
Greg
Moses
Agitating for Workers' Rights in Iraq
Yitzak
Laor
Before Rafah
Ghali
Hassan
Ambassador to Death Squads: Who is Negroponte?
Jane
Stillwater
God, the Rapture and Vera Casey
CounterPunch
Wire
D-Day Reconsidered: Was It Really Worth the Carnage?
John
Borowski
Woo-Wooism v. Meteorites: Why the Dems Are No Match for Bush
Mike
Griffin
Caterpillar's Assault on the UAW
Alexander Cockburn
Has Bush Gone Over the Edge?
Website
of the Day
Aquae Urbis Romae:
Water and Empire
June
3, 2004
Ron
Jacobs
Iran's Nuclear Dilemma
Dr.
Susan Block
America in tha Hood
Michael
Donnelly
The Bully and the Brahmin
John
Chuckman
Insanity in America: US Ranks Number
One in the Deranged
Christopher
Brauchli
The Return of Cardinal Law: Rome
on $12,000 a Month
Samia
Nassar Melki
Caravaggio in Iraq
Mike
Whitney
Subverting Justice: Pre-Trial Ruminations in the Padilla Case
Diane
Rejman
Memorial Day Isn't Just About the Dead
Scott
Morris
"WMDs" in Cuba
Paul
de Rooij
Palestinian Misery in Perspective
June
2, 2004
Brian
Cloughley
The Liars are Winning
Ray
McGovern
How Far Would They Go? Beware "Credible
Intelligence"
Josh
Frank
The Anybody But Bush Offensive
Mike
Whitney
The Afghanistan Failure: Bush's Warlord Patriots
Jackie
Corr
Iraq and Ireland: Three Tales from Butte, Montana
Robert
Jensen
The US Lost the Iraq War...and It's a Good Thing, Too
Alexander
Cockburn
"Bye, Bye Boonville!"
June
1, 2004
Gary
Leupp
Instant Karma: Bush's Sins Catch Up
with Him
William
A. Cook
Manufacturers of Fear and Loathing in
Rafah
Dave
Lindorff
Will the Times Clean House?
Kevin
Zeese
Inside the Kerry / Nader Meeting: Did
the Kerry Campaign Lie About What Was Discussed?
Jacob
Levich
Coming Soon: Return of the Draft,
a Bipartisan Production
Kathy
Kelly
Voices in the Wilderness v. the US
Government
Website
of the Day
Remind Us
May
29 / 31, 2004
Lee
Ballinger / Dave Marsh
The Origins of Memorial Day
Janine
Pommy Vega
Memo for Memorial Day
Mike
Ferner
On Their Way to Abu Ghraib
Alfred
W. McCoy
The Cruel Shadow: the Long History of CIA Torture Research
Douglas
Valentine
An Open Letter to the NYT: Questions, Questions, Questions
Chris
White
First to Fight Culture: a Former Marine on the Marine Motto
Bruce
Anderson
The Awful Injustice to Tai Abreu
David
Vest
Get Ready for Kerry's War: the 100 Year Quagmire
Saul
Landau
Torture: the Logical Outcome of Bush's War for Democracy?
Kurt
Nimmo
Abu Hamza al-Mazri, Made in the USA
Elaine
Cassel
The Secrets of Surveillance: Ashcroft, Snoops, and Gag Orders
Will
Potter
The New War on "Terror": Protest the Torture of Chimps;
Get Arrested as a "Terrorist"
Ben
Tripp
They Fiddled While Nero Got the Matches
Dr.
Susan Block
Save Abu Ghraib!
Kia
Kojouri
Nukes, the US, Israel and Iran: an
Interview with Sasan Fayazmanesh
Mickey
Z
D-Day: 60 Years is Enough!
Jon
Brown
Correcting the Correction at the Times
Patrick
B. Barr
Pre-emptive War Insurance
Stephen
Gowans
Bad Apples in a Bad Barrel
Tom
Gorman
Gore on Bush in Iraq: the Approach May be Exotic, But It's Hardly
New
Dave
Zirin
Fighting for Boxers' Rights: an Interview with Eddie Mustafa
Muhammad
Gregory
Weiher
Bush to Arabs: "Go Get Yourself Some Democracy"
Erik
Cummings
Jung Meets Bush
Poets'
Basement
Davies, Ford, Kearney, McLellan and Albert

May
28, 2004
Rafael
Rodriguez Cruz
Curtain of Silence on the Cuban 5
Greg
Moses
Bush's Misleading Speech on Abu Ghraib
Dave
Lindorff
Dissing Independent Contractors:
Those Who Do the Dirty Work
Norman
Solomon
Leaping for Lies at the Times
Rep.
Bill Delahunt
Bush's Cruel New Rules on Cuba
Paul
McGeough
Chalabi Baba and the 40 Thieves
Niranjan
Ramakrishnan
India and Nehru: 40 Years After
Alexander
Cockburn
NYTs: "Maybe We Did Screw Up...a
Little"
May
27, 2004
Amy
Goodman / David Goodman
Fatal Errors: the Lies of Our Times
Douglas
Valentine
Ragging the Dogs of War at the
NYTs
John
L. Hess
The Times Confesses...Kind Of
Stew
Albert
Dellinger, the Wrestling Pacifist
Dave
Dellinger
a 1993 Interview
Christopher
Brauchli
Tax Breaks for Scions...to Hell with Poor Kids
Rampton
/ Stauber
Banana Republicans: Pumping Irony
May
26, 2004
Ron
Jacobs
Goodbye, David Dellinger: He Was a
Friend of Ours
Robert
Fisk
The Things Bush Didn't Say in His Speech
Zeynep
Toufe
New Draft UN Resolution Permits Perpetual Occupation
Conn
Hallinan
Bush and Sharon: the Oil Connection
Tom
Stephens
2 + 2 is On My Mind: More Morons
and War Crimes
Derek
Medley
Protesting Gov. Bigot
CounterPunch
Wire
FBI Abducts Artist; Seizes Art
Andrew
Cockburn
The Trail to Tehran

May
25, 2004
Joe
Bageant
The Covert Kingdom: On Earth as It
is in Texas
Col.
Dan Smith
A Question of Human Dignity
Gary
Handschumacher
Visiting Lori Berenson: Time to Bring Her Home
Toni
Solo
A Developing War in the Andes
Marc
Estrin
September Song: Disturbing Questions
About 9/11
Stephen
Banko, III
A Vietnam Vet on "Supporting the
Troops"
Website
of the Day
The Wizard of Whimsy

May
24, 2004
Ron
Jacobs
Dan Senor is Safe!
Kurt
Nimmo
Dirty Tricks & TortureGate: the
Missing Taguba Pages
Sam
Hamod
Gen. Zinni: "Wrong War, Wrong
Place, Wrong Time"
Mike
Whitney
The Wedding was a Bomb
Stan
Goff
Open Season on MAMs
Image
of the Day
A Photo from Abu Ghraib We Didn't See on the Front Page of the
NYTs
May
22 / 23, 2004
Paul
de Rooij
Colin Powell, a Political Obituary
Jeffrey
St. Clair
When War is Swell: Bush and the Carlyle Group
Elizabeth
Weill-Greenberg
Her Son Was Told He Wouldn't See Combat; Now He's Dead: an Interview
with Sue Niederer
Brian
Cloughley
America is Committing War Crimes in Iraq
Saul
Landau
Democracy in Latin America: Great for Investors; Not So Good
for People
Brandy
Baker
Feminists Stand By Their Man: Abortion, Judges and Kerry
Randall
Robinson
Bushwhacked in the Caribbean
Uri
Avnery
The Rape of Rafah
Ben
Tripp
Assume the Worst
Bruce
Anderson
News from Ecotopia: the Truth About the Wine Business
Josh
Ruebner
Why I Burned My Israeli Military Papers
Peter
Wolson, Ph. D.
Exhibitionistic Revenge at Abu Ghraib
Chloe
Cockburn
In Defense of "Troy": What Hector Could Teach Rummy
Linda
Burnham
Sexual Domination in Uniform: an American Value
Adrien
Rain Burke
War of the Necrophiliacs: Spc. Sabrina Harman and Her Corpse
David
Krieger
Charting a New Course for US Nuclear Policy
Ron
Jacobs
Turnaround
Poets'
Basement
Ford, Albert & LaMorticella
May 21, 2004
Ray
Close
The Canards of the Apologists
Christopher
Brauchli
"The Object of Torture is Torture"
Amira
Hass
Darkness at Noon
Jack
McCarthy
Camilo Mejia: Can the Son of a Sandinista Get a Fair Trial from
the US Army?
Bill
Kauffman
Nader v. Bush
Omar
Barghouti
No More Tears for America
Ghali
Hassan
Moral Failure of the "Free World" in Gaza
Christopher
Reed
How the CIA Taught the Portuguese to
Torture
Website
of the Day
Eric Idle on the Bush Administration: Fuck You, So Very Much
May
20, 2004
Andrew
Cockburn
The Truth About Chalabi
Kathy
Kelly
A Visit from the FBI
Niranjan
Ramakrishnan
Brown and Bored of Education in India
Tom
Stephens & John Philo
The War Crimes of Bush, Cheney & Co.
Sam
Bahour / Michael Dahan
Genocide by Public Policy
Robert
Ovetz
Ending the Race for the Last Turtle
Billy
Wilson
The Most Important Thing I Learned at School This Year
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June
11, 2004
The
Gipper Paved the Way for Clinton
Reagan's
Historical Legacy
By
STEVEN SHERMAN
What exactly was Ronald Reagan's historical
role? The tributes and denunciations of him are flowing in,
and they predictably turn on each author's feelings about conservative
policies. If you support tax cuts, welfare cuts, race-baiting,
an aggressive, militaristic foreign policy, you probably remember
Reagan fondly. If not, not. Yet Reagan played a specific historic
role, and it should be foregrounded to better understand where
we are today. The closest I've seen to a description of that
role is provided by David Brooks, the conservative New York Times
columnist:
To understand the intellectual
content of Reagan's optimism, start with American conservatism
before Reagan. ..Conservatives felt that events were moving in
the wrong direction and that the American spiritual catastrophe
was growing ever worse. Whittaker Chambers observed that when
he left communism and joined the democratic camp, he was joining
the losing side of history. . Reagan agreed with these old conservatives
about communism and other things. But he transformed their movement
from a past- and loss-oriented movement to a future- and possibility-oriented
one, based on a certain idea about America. While others regarded
the Soviet Union as permanent, he couldn't. "My idea of
American policy toward the Soviet Union is simple and some would
say simplistic. It is this: `We win and they lose,' " he
once said.
Brooks is basically right (although
many of the references to American conservatives could be extended
to the world). Reagan was central to the revival of the right
wing worldwide, and to the (temporary) disorientation and disintegration
of the left. By the end of his two terms, the US appeared more
powerful than ever. Of course, this process looks very different
from the left side of the fence, where I stand, than it does
to Brooks. For one thing, the Soviet Union, while playing a
part, seems nowhere near as central to the picture. But overall,
it is accurate enough. It is hard for young people on the left
to imagine the disintegration of our worldview between roughly
1980 and 1990 (the final, definitive blow being not the collapse
of the Berlin wall but the electoral defeat of the Sandinistas).
Before, and even during the eighties, it seemed as if the third
world was rife with revolutionary movements-South Africa! The
Philippines! Palestine! El Salvador! All would inevitably
end with victory for our side, placing an ever-tightening squeeze
on US imperialism. By 1990, this vision had vanished. Not only
that, but moderate variants on the left like the British Labor
Party and the American Democratic Party also had become completely
eviscerated by that point. To fully understand how it happened,
and where we have gone from there, we need to look back a little
further.
In retrospect, the early seventies
can be seen as the high water mark for the revolutionary socialist
left that so many pinned their hopes on in the twentieth century.
The Vietnamese had, as the saying went, kicked Uncle Sam's ass.
As a result, not only did Southeast Asian countries go communist;
when the Portugese empire was exhausted, the US was in no position
to step in to stop revolutionaries in Angola and Mozambique.
Indeed, a revolutionary process unfolded in Portugal itself,
right in Western Europe. Beyond the world of revolutionaries,
the concept of socialism was extremely popular. As Eric Hobsbawm
notes, nearly every government in the third world at this time
was calling itself 'socialist'. Many backed up the claim with
the nationalization of some imperialist economic holdings. Meanwhile,
demands for a 'New International Economic Order' and OPEC both
revealed a third world prepared to make more assertive economic
demands on the traditional imperialist powers. If the revolutionary
left wasn't really sure what to make of China (coming out of
the Cultural Revolution and meeting with Nixon) or the Soviet
Union, at least these appeared to be stable socialist societies
who had improved the standard of living of their citizens, and
the latter offered some support to revolutionaries worldwide.
At the same time, the US was
reeling. Its economy was undergoing unprecedented 'stagflation'.
Spending during Vietnam had led it to loose control of the world's
supply of dollars. Workers were engaging in wildcat strikes,
and environmental regulations were increasing. Abroad, Jimmy
Carter made a half-hearted effort to distance the US from its
traditional policies through the advocacy of 'human rights'.
But when 1979 witnessed another round of revolutions-Iran, Nicaragua
(both important US allies), Grenada-Carter turned to the right,
inaugurating most of the policies associated with Reagan. This
point is worth emphasizing-it was Carter, not Reagan, who told
poor women 'life is unfair', who began to aid the Muhajadeen
in Afghanistan, who rushed arms to the death squads in El Salvador,
who started to escalate arms spending, and who appointed Paul
Volcker to the federal reserve (see below).
Carter carried out these policies
in a dour manner; when Reagan ascended to the White House he
embraced them. This was the key difference; Carter acted as
if he'd been forced to the right, while Reagan was a genuine
enthusiast. After all, Reagan had cut his teeth on confrontations
with student demonstrators during the late sixties in California.
Although Republicans had often held the presidency since World
War II, Eisenhower, Nixon and Ford could not accurately be described
as 'right wing'. None challenged the New Deal order of relatively
high wages and substantial welfare programs instituted under
FDR and LBJ. Reagan was different. Earning the first endorsement
of a major presidential candidate in the twentieth century by
the Ku Klux Klan, Reagan was genuinely eager to confront all
those at home and abroad who stood as obstacles to unhinged US
capitalism. Reagan globally empowered reactionaries and those
obsessed with greed to come out of the woodwork and claim their
place as leaders. Reagan's record of aiding counterrevolutionaries
abroad and building up the military at home is well known, as
are his efforts to cut taxes, and demonize the poor. Nor should
we forget his repression of the air traffic controllers, marking
the decisive end of the New Deal regime of labor relations. Less
appreciated, although perhaps most effective, were the policies
of Paul Volcker, which Reagan strongly supported. Volcker raised
interest rates to 16.4 percent in 1981, plunging the US into
a deep recession. Christian Parenti quotes Volcker telling the
New York Times the recession was necessary because 'the standard
of living of the average American has to decline.' Parenti shares
authors Harrison and Bluestone's assessment of the recession,
which, according to them,
Did precisely what it was designed to do. With more than ten
million people unemployed in 1982 it was impossible for organized
labor to maintain wage standards let alone raise them Essentially,
with wage growth arrested by unemployment, what growth occurred
during the Reagan period rebounded mostly to the profits side
of the capital-labor ledger.
Giovanni Arrighi explains what
these policies, in conjunction with several others (deregulation,
deficit spending on arms, and military actions in the third world),
accomplished on a world scale:
The tightening of US monetary
policies drastically curtailed the demand for Third World supplies
Between 1980 and 1988, the real prices of the South's commodity
exports declined by some 40 percent From then on, it would no
longer be First World bankers begging Third world states to borrow
their overabundant capital; it would be Third World states begging
First World governments and bankers to grant them the credit
needed to stay afloat in an increasingly integrated, competitive,
and shrinking world market. To make things worse Third World
states were soon joined in their cut-throat competition for mobile
capital by Second World states (i.e. the Soviet bloc).
In this climate, none of the
revolutionary regimes from the seventies were able to accomplish
much. Increasing their difficulties were the various terrorists
Reagan armed to harass them-contras, Muhajadeen, etc. And the
worsening fate for Third World regimes surely undermined the
appeal of revolution in states like South Africa and the Philipines,
which ultimately pursued democratic openings that carefully avoided
in any way threatening the economic interests of the US and other
wealthy nations. Reagan's policies succeeded in disciplining
labor unions at home and Third World regimes abroad. Labor unions
were reduced to bargaining how much they would be willing to
give back. Blacks, another once threatening constituency, were
locked up in larger and larger numbers. Yuppies, on the other
hand, enjoyed the bounty of capital gravitating towards the US
(although this is by no means a formula for a durable economy).
Abroad, third world regimes were forced to sell off industries
they'd nationalized, open the floodgates to foreign investment
and profit-taking, and reduce social services. The failure of
revolutionary regimes to find their footing on this turf, as
much as the fall of the Soviet Empire, accounts for the disintegration
of the revolutionary socialist left worldwide. Indeed, the fall
of the Soviet Empire was as much a response to this process as
to the arms buildup we hear so much more about-the widespread
labor unrest in Poland, for example, was directed at government
efforts to impose 'austerity' in the new climate.
The key accomplishment of Reagan
was to take the wind out of the sails of the left worldwide and
at home. Missing from most of the tributes to Reagan is his
impact on the Democratic party-by 1996, it had literally written
labor unions out of its platform. Like Reagan, Bill Clinton
also demonized the poor, failed to expand social programs, and
accelerated the inprisonment binge. In a sense, it was this
shifting of the consensus of the political class to the right,
rather than the particular battles he won or lost, that was Reagan's
most impressive accomplishment.
In retrospect, the revolutionary
socialist left, and domestic labor unions, had very profound
problems of their own. Both failed to engage with the new politics
of feminism and environmentalism. Both never abandoned authoritarian
traditions. Both, in their own ways, put far too much faith
on state power as the way to insure their well-being and achieve
social change. Some progress on all these fronts could be witnessed
when the left began to regain its footing at the 1999 meeting
of the World Trade Organization in Seattle. They are still being
wrestled with at the yearly meetings of the World Social Forum
and everywhere else the left is regrouping.
It is frequently said that
Bush shares Reagan's vision. But Marx's comment about history
appearing first as tragedy, then as farce, has never seemed more
apropos. Reagan rallied the wealthy classes worldwide; Bush
has divided them. Reagan increased the US' power while avoiding
much direct military action; Bush has mired the US in two hapless
occupations. Reagan brought about a new day for US world power,
albeit presiding over an order that everywhere undermined the
well-being of the poor. Bush has likely hastened the departure
of the US from the world stage.
Steven Sherman is a sociologist living in North Carolina.
Check out his Three
Hegemons blog.
He can be reached at threehegemons@aol.com.
Weekend Edition
Features for June 5 / 6, 2004
C.
Douglas Lummis
Toward a Universal Declaration of
Human Wrongs
Saul
Landau
Five Cubans in Prison, Victims of Bush's Obsession
Dave
Lindorff
John Walker Lindh, Revisited
Brian
Cloughley
Apologies, Please, From Those Who Got It Wrong
Rich
Gibson
The Grenada 17: the Last Prisoners of the Cold War are Black
Elaine
Cassel
A Sorry FBI
Cathrin
Schütz
On the Ruins of Yugoslavia
Ben
Tripp
Call Me, Mr. Cassandra
Kurt
Nimmo
The Madness of King George
Ron
Jacobs
They Ain't Goin' Nowhere (Unless We Make It So)
Laura
Flanders
The Lynne Cheney Show?
Lenni
Brenner
Renaissance Noir: Caravaggio at the Met
Abigail
Jones
Whatever Happened to Lori Berenson, President Toledo's Trophy
Prisoner?
Mark
Latham
Nothing Bush Said Has Changed Our Hopes
Gerry
Adams
I Was Photographed While Tortured, Too
Toni
Solo
Venezuela 2004, Nicaragua's Contra War Reprised
Derek
Seidman
Meet the New Boss, Same as the Old
M.
Junaid Alam
Torture is Just the Symptom
Matt
Siegfried
An American Way of War
Dave
Zirin
The Politics of Charles Barkley
Poets'
Basement
Albert, Krieger, St. Clair
Website
of the Weekend
Overnight Sensations
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