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Today's Stories

June 11, 2004

Ron Jacobs
Ray Charles' Legacy of Spirit

Chris Floyd
Funeral Games

Mokhiber / Weissman
Remembering Reagan

Norman Solomon
Media's Mourning in America

Alexander Cockburn
Reagan in Truth and Fiction

 

June 10, 2004

Noam Chomsky
The Apotheosis of Reagan : Divinity Through Marketing

Gary Leupp
Bush, the Religious Scholar

Patrick Cockburn
The Iraqi Street Has Spoken: New Govt. Made Up of CIA Pawns

Saul Landau
Force-Feeding Lies About Free Trade

Scott Evans
Settling for the System: How Punkvoter.com Became Just Another Tool of the Democrats

Jacob Levich
John Kerry's World of Hurt: Senator Supports Beam Weapons

Zeynep Toufe
Reagan, Neo-Cons and the "Intelligence Failures"

Nico Pitney
Reform at Wal-Mart?

Dave Zirin
Son of a Reagan: What a Sporty 6-Year Old Saw at the Revolution

Jack McCarthy
Where Were You When Reagan Croaked?

Gary Corseri
Nouns That Should be Acronyms

David Price
Reagan and the Black Budget

Website of the Day
Inequality by the Numbers

 

June 9, 2004

Mustafa Barghouthi
Israel's Common Use of Torture Must be Exposed

Mike Whitney
Alan Dershowitz, Still Defending Torture

John Chuckman
Why the CIA will Always be a Costly Flop

Jim Tarbell / Roger Burbach
Bush's Democratic Charade in Iraq

Dave Lindorff
Put Reagan on the $3 Bill

Miguel D'Escoto
Reagan was the Butcher of My People

Becky Burgwin
The Betrayal of Smarty Jones: Flogging a Natural Born Hero

Patrick Cockburn
The Rich Have Been Warned to Leave Baghdad

June 8, 2004

Jeffrey St. Clair
The Nature of Ronald Reagan: Will the Earth Accept His Corpse?

Dave Lindorff
The March on Rumsfeld's House: Is the US Anti-War Movement Running Out of Steam?

Phillip Cryan
Torture, Bombings & the Press in Colombia

Mark Zepezauer
Getting Reagan Wrong

Mickey Z.
Reagan, Radicals and Repetitive Reactions

John L. Hess
Reagan and Bush in Normandy

Alex Dawoody
Reagan and Saddam: the Unholy Alliance

Christopher Fons
Reagan in a Word: Mean

Niranjan Ramakrishnan
Some Tenets are More Important Than Others

Ahmed Bouzid
Nothing New Under the Israeli Sun

Michael Leon
Bush the Narcissist

 

June 7, 2004

Jason Leopold
New Enron Docs Show Lay and Skilling Knew of California Trading Schemes

Patrick Cockburn
The Baghdad Bombings: the Pattern of Attacks is Changing

Dennis Hans
From Afghanistan to El Salvador: Reagan's Dark Global Legacy

Tracy McLellan
Nader at the National Press Club: a Glimpse at a Different Kind of Politics

Bill Blum
The Myth of the Gipper: Reagan Didn't End the Cold War

Ben Tripp
What I Owe Reagan: the Brylcreemed Bullshitter

Susan Davis
Reagan, In a Nutshell

Phil Gasper
Reagan: Goodbye and Good Riddance

Website of the Day
A Child's ABCs of Terrorism

June 5 / 6, 2004

C. Douglas Lummis
Toward a Universal Declaration of Human Wrongs

Saul Landau
Five Cubans in Prison, Victims of Bush's Obsession

Dave Lindorff
John Walker Lindh, Revisited

Brian Cloughley
Apologies, Please, From Those Who Got It Wrong

Rich Gibson
The Grenada 17: the Last Prisoners of the Cold War are Black

Elaine Cassel
A Sorry FBI

Cathrin Schütz
On the Ruins of Yugoslavia

Ben Tripp
Call Me, Mr. Cassandra

Kurt Nimmo
The Madness of King George

Ron Jacobs
They Ain't Goin' Nowhere (Unless We Make It So)

Laura Flanders
The Lynne Cheney Show?

Lenni Brenner
Renaissance Noir: Caravaggio at the Met

Abigail Jones
Whatever Happened to Lori Berenson, President Toledo's Trophy Prisoner?

Mark Latham
Nothing Bush Said Has Changed Our Hopes

Gerry Adams
I Was Photographed While Tortured, Too

Toni Solo
Venezuela 2004, Nicaragua's Contra War Reprised

Derek Seidman
Meet the New Boss, Same as the Old

M. Junaid Alam
Torture is Just the Symptom

Matt Siegfried
An American Way of War

Dave Zirin
The Politics of Charles Barkley

Poets' Basement
Albert, Krieger, St. Clair

Website of the Weekend
Overnight Sensations

 

June 4, 2004

Chris Floyd
Masked and Anonymous: Inside America's Animal House

Cornwell / Penketh
Exit Tenet: the Fall of a Fall Guy

Wayne Madsen
Apprehension & Frustation: Neo-Cons on the Brink

Greg Moses
Agitating for Workers' Rights in Iraq

Yitzak Laor
Before Rafah

Ghali Hassan
Ambassador to Death Squads: Who is Negroponte?

Jane Stillwater
God, the Rapture and Vera Casey

CounterPunch Wire
D-Day Reconsidered: Was It Really Worth the Carnage?

John Borowski
Woo-Wooism v. Meteorites: Why the Dems Are No Match for Bush

Mike Griffin
Caterpillar's Assault on the UAW

Alexander Cockburn
Has Bush Gone Over the Edge?

Website of the Day
Aquae Urbis Romae:
Water and Empire

 

 

June 3, 2004

Ron Jacobs
Iran's Nuclear Dilemma

Dr. Susan Block
America in tha Hood

Michael Donnelly
The Bully and the Brahmin

John Chuckman
Insanity in America: US Ranks Number One in the Deranged

Christopher Brauchli
The Return of Cardinal Law: Rome on $12,000 a Month

Samia Nassar Melki
Caravaggio in Iraq

Mike Whitney
Subverting Justice: Pre-Trial Ruminations in the Padilla Case

Diane Rejman
Memorial Day Isn't Just About the Dead

Scott Morris
"WMDs" in Cuba

Paul de Rooij
Palestinian Misery in Perspective

 

 

June 2, 2004

Brian Cloughley
The Liars are Winning

Ray McGovern
How Far Would They Go? Beware "Credible Intelligence"

Josh Frank
The Anybody But Bush Offensive

Mike Whitney
The Afghanistan Failure: Bush's Warlord Patriots

Jackie Corr
Iraq and Ireland: Three Tales from Butte, Montana

Robert Jensen
The US Lost the Iraq War...and It's a Good Thing, Too

Alexander Cockburn
"Bye, Bye Boonville!"

 

June 1, 2004

Gary Leupp
Instant Karma: Bush's Sins Catch Up with Him

William A. Cook
Manufacturers of Fear and Loathing in Rafah

Dave Lindorff
Will the Times Clean House?

Kevin Zeese
Inside the Kerry / Nader Meeting: Did the Kerry Campaign Lie About What Was Discussed?

Jacob Levich
Coming Soon: Return of the Draft, a Bipartisan Production

Kathy Kelly
Voices in the Wilderness v. the US Government

Website of the Day
Remind Us

 

 

May 29 / 31, 2004

Lee Ballinger / Dave Marsh
The Origins of Memorial Day

Janine Pommy Vega
Memo for Memorial Day

Mike Ferner
On Their Way to Abu Ghraib

Alfred W. McCoy
The Cruel Shadow: the Long History of CIA Torture Research

Douglas Valentine
An Open Letter to the NYT: Questions, Questions, Questions

Chris White
First to Fight Culture: a Former Marine on the Marine Motto

Bruce Anderson
The Awful Injustice to Tai Abreu

David Vest
Get Ready for Kerry's War: the 100 Year Quagmire

Saul Landau
Torture: the Logical Outcome of Bush's War for Democracy?

Kurt Nimmo
Abu Hamza al-Mazri, Made in the USA

Elaine Cassel
The Secrets of Surveillance: Ashcroft, Snoops, and Gag Orders

Will Potter
The New War on "Terror": Protest the Torture of Chimps; Get Arrested as a "Terrorist"

Ben Tripp
They Fiddled While Nero Got the Matches

Dr. Susan Block
Save Abu Ghraib!

Kia Kojouri
Nukes, the US, Israel and Iran: an Interview with Sasan Fayazmanesh

Mickey Z
D-Day: 60 Years is Enough!

Jon Brown
Correcting the Correction at the Times

Patrick B. Barr
Pre-emptive War Insurance

Stephen Gowans
Bad Apples in a Bad Barrel

Tom Gorman
Gore on Bush in Iraq: the Approach May be Exotic, But It's Hardly New

Dave Zirin
Fighting for Boxers' Rights: an Interview with Eddie Mustafa Muhammad

Gregory Weiher
Bush to Arabs: "Go Get Yourself Some Democracy"

Erik Cummings
Jung Meets Bush

Poets' Basement
Davies, Ford, Kearney, McLellan and Albert

 

May 28, 2004

Rafael Rodriguez Cruz
Curtain of Silence on the Cuban 5

Greg Moses
Bush's Misleading Speech on Abu Ghraib

Dave Lindorff
Dissing Independent Contractors: Those Who Do the Dirty Work

Norman Solomon
Leaping for Lies at the Times

Rep. Bill Delahunt
Bush's Cruel New Rules on Cuba

Paul McGeough
Chalabi Baba and the 40 Thieves

Niranjan Ramakrishnan
India and Nehru: 40 Years After

Alexander Cockburn
NYTs: "Maybe We Did Screw Up...a Little"

 

 

May 27, 2004

Amy Goodman / David Goodman
Fatal Errors: the Lies of Our Times

Douglas Valentine
Ragging the Dogs of War at the NYTs

John L. Hess
The Times Confesses...Kind Of

Stew Albert
Dellinger, the Wrestling Pacifist

Dave Dellinger
a 1993 Interview

Christopher Brauchli
Tax Breaks for Scions...to Hell with Poor Kids

Rampton / Stauber
Banana Republicans: Pumping Irony

 

 

May 26, 2004

Ron Jacobs
Goodbye, David Dellinger: He Was a Friend of Ours

Robert Fisk
The Things Bush Didn't Say in His Speech

Zeynep Toufe
New Draft UN Resolution Permits Perpetual Occupation

Conn Hallinan
Bush and Sharon: the Oil Connection

Tom Stephens
2 + 2 is On My Mind: More Morons and War Crimes

Derek Medley
Protesting Gov. Bigot

CounterPunch Wire
FBI Abducts Artist; Seizes Art

Andrew Cockburn
The Trail to Tehran

 

May 25, 2004

Joe Bageant
The Covert Kingdom: On Earth as It is in Texas

Col. Dan Smith
A Question of Human Dignity

Gary Handschumacher
Visiting Lori Berenson: Time to Bring Her Home

Toni Solo
A Developing War in the Andes

Marc Estrin
September Song: Disturbing Questions About 9/11

Stephen Banko, III
A Vietnam Vet on "Supporting the Troops"

Website of the Day
The Wizard of Whimsy

May 24, 2004

Ron Jacobs
Dan Senor is Safe!

Kurt Nimmo
Dirty Tricks & TortureGate: the Missing Taguba Pages

Sam Hamod
Gen. Zinni: "Wrong War, Wrong Place, Wrong Time"

Mike Whitney
The Wedding was a Bomb

Stan Goff
Open Season on MAMs

Image of the Day
A Photo from Abu Ghraib We Didn't See on the Front Page of the NYTs

 

 

May 22 / 23, 2004

Paul de Rooij
Colin Powell, a Political Obituary

Jeffrey St. Clair
When War is Swell: Bush and the Carlyle Group

Elizabeth Weill-Greenberg
Her Son Was Told He Wouldn't See Combat; Now He's Dead: an Interview with Sue Niederer

Brian Cloughley
America is Committing War Crimes in Iraq

Saul Landau
Democracy in Latin America: Great for Investors; Not So Good for People

Brandy Baker
Feminists Stand By Their Man: Abortion, Judges and Kerry

Randall Robinson
Bushwhacked in the Caribbean

Uri Avnery
The Rape of Rafah

Ben Tripp
Assume the Worst

Bruce Anderson
News from Ecotopia: the Truth About the Wine Business

Josh Ruebner
Why I Burned My Israeli Military Papers

Peter Wolson, Ph. D.
Exhibitionistic Revenge at Abu Ghraib

Chloe Cockburn
In Defense of "Troy": What Hector Could Teach Rummy

Linda Burnham
Sexual Domination in Uniform: an American Value

Adrien Rain Burke
War of the Necrophiliacs: Spc. Sabrina Harman and Her Corpse

David Krieger
Charting a New Course for US Nuclear Policy

Ron Jacobs
Turnaround

Poets' Basement
Ford, Albert & LaMorticella

 


May 21, 2004

Ray Close
The Canards of the Apologists

Christopher Brauchli
"The Object of Torture is Torture"

Amira Hass
Darkness at Noon

Jack McCarthy
Camilo Mejia: Can the Son of a Sandinista Get a Fair Trial from the US Army?

Bill Kauffman
Nader v. Bush

Omar Barghouti
No More Tears for America

Ghali Hassan
Moral Failure of the "Free World" in Gaza

Christopher Reed
How the CIA Taught the Portuguese to Torture

Website of the Day
Eric Idle on the Bush Administration: Fuck You, So Very Much

 

May 20, 2004

Andrew Cockburn
The Truth About Chalabi

Kathy Kelly
A Visit from the FBI

Niranjan Ramakrishnan
Brown and Bored of Education in India

Tom Stephens & John Philo
The War Crimes of Bush, Cheney & Co.

Sam Bahour / Michael Dahan
Genocide by Public Policy

Robert Ovetz
Ending the Race for the Last Turtle

Billy Wilson
The Most Important Thing I Learned at School This Year

Website of the Day
Rafah Today

 

 

 

 

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June 11, 2004

The Gipper Paved the Way for Clinton

Reagan's Historical Legacy

By STEVEN SHERMAN

What exactly was Ronald Reagan's historical role? The tributes and denunciations of him are flowing in, and they predictably turn on each author's feelings about conservative policies. If you support tax cuts, welfare cuts, race-baiting, an aggressive, militaristic foreign policy, you probably remember Reagan fondly. If not, not. Yet Reagan played a specific historic role, and it should be foregrounded to better understand where we are today. The closest I've seen to a description of that role is provided by David Brooks, the conservative New York Times columnist:

To understand the intellectual content of Reagan's optimism, start with American conservatism before Reagan. ..Conservatives felt that events were moving in the wrong direction and that the American spiritual catastrophe was growing ever worse. Whittaker Chambers observed that when he left communism and joined the democratic camp, he was joining the losing side of history. . Reagan agreed with these old conservatives about communism and other things. But he transformed their movement from a past- and loss-oriented movement to a future- and possibility-oriented one, based on a certain idea about America. While others regarded the Soviet Union as permanent, he couldn't. "My idea of American policy toward the Soviet Union is simple and some would say simplistic. It is this: `We win and they lose,' " he once said.

Brooks is basically right (although many of the references to American conservatives could be extended to the world). Reagan was central to the revival of the right wing worldwide, and to the (temporary) disorientation and disintegration of the left. By the end of his two terms, the US appeared more powerful than ever. Of course, this process looks very different from the left side of the fence, where I stand, than it does to Brooks. For one thing, the Soviet Union, while playing a part, seems nowhere near as central to the picture. But overall, it is accurate enough. It is hard for young people on the left to imagine the disintegration of our worldview between roughly 1980 and 1990 (the final, definitive blow being not the collapse of the Berlin wall but the electoral defeat of the Sandinistas). Before, and even during the eighties, it seemed as if the third world was rife with revolutionary movements-South Africa! The Philippines! Palestine! El Salvador! All would inevitably end with victory for our side, placing an ever-tightening squeeze on US imperialism. By 1990, this vision had vanished. Not only that, but moderate variants on the left like the British Labor Party and the American Democratic Party also had become completely eviscerated by that point. To fully understand how it happened, and where we have gone from there, we need to look back a little further.

In retrospect, the early seventies can be seen as the high water mark for the revolutionary socialist left that so many pinned their hopes on in the twentieth century. The Vietnamese had, as the saying went, kicked Uncle Sam's ass. As a result, not only did Southeast Asian countries go communist; when the Portugese empire was exhausted, the US was in no position to step in to stop revolutionaries in Angola and Mozambique. Indeed, a revolutionary process unfolded in Portugal itself, right in Western Europe. Beyond the world of revolutionaries, the concept of socialism was extremely popular. As Eric Hobsbawm notes, nearly every government in the third world at this time was calling itself 'socialist'. Many backed up the claim with the nationalization of some imperialist economic holdings. Meanwhile, demands for a 'New International Economic Order' and OPEC both revealed a third world prepared to make more assertive economic demands on the traditional imperialist powers. If the revolutionary left wasn't really sure what to make of China (coming out of the Cultural Revolution and meeting with Nixon) or the Soviet Union, at least these appeared to be stable socialist societies who had improved the standard of living of their citizens, and the latter offered some support to revolutionaries worldwide.

At the same time, the US was reeling. Its economy was undergoing unprecedented 'stagflation'. Spending during Vietnam had led it to loose control of the world's supply of dollars. Workers were engaging in wildcat strikes, and environmental regulations were increasing. Abroad, Jimmy Carter made a half-hearted effort to distance the US from its traditional policies through the advocacy of 'human rights'. But when 1979 witnessed another round of revolutions-Iran, Nicaragua (both important US allies), Grenada-Carter turned to the right, inaugurating most of the policies associated with Reagan. This point is worth emphasizing-it was Carter, not Reagan, who told poor women 'life is unfair', who began to aid the Muhajadeen in Afghanistan, who rushed arms to the death squads in El Salvador, who started to escalate arms spending, and who appointed Paul Volcker to the federal reserve (see below).

Carter carried out these policies in a dour manner; when Reagan ascended to the White House he embraced them. This was the key difference; Carter acted as if he'd been forced to the right, while Reagan was a genuine enthusiast. After all, Reagan had cut his teeth on confrontations with student demonstrators during the late sixties in California. Although Republicans had often held the presidency since World War II, Eisenhower, Nixon and Ford could not accurately be described as 'right wing'. None challenged the New Deal order of relatively high wages and substantial welfare programs instituted under FDR and LBJ. Reagan was different. Earning the first endorsement of a major presidential candidate in the twentieth century by the Ku Klux Klan, Reagan was genuinely eager to confront all those at home and abroad who stood as obstacles to unhinged US capitalism. Reagan globally empowered reactionaries and those obsessed with greed to come out of the woodwork and claim their place as leaders. Reagan's record of aiding counterrevolutionaries abroad and building up the military at home is well known, as are his efforts to cut taxes, and demonize the poor. Nor should we forget his repression of the air traffic controllers, marking the decisive end of the New Deal regime of labor relations. Less appreciated, although perhaps most effective, were the policies of Paul Volcker, which Reagan strongly supported. Volcker raised interest rates to 16.4 percent in 1981, plunging the US into a deep recession. Christian Parenti quotes Volcker telling the New York Times the recession was necessary because 'the standard of living of the average American has to decline.' Parenti shares authors Harrison and Bluestone's assessment of the recession, which, according to them,
Did precisely what it was designed to do. With more than ten million people unemployed in 1982 it was impossible for organized labor to maintain wage standards let alone raise them Essentially, with wage growth arrested by unemployment, what growth occurred during the Reagan period rebounded mostly to the profits side of the capital-labor ledger.

Giovanni Arrighi explains what these policies, in conjunction with several others (deregulation, deficit spending on arms, and military actions in the third world), accomplished on a world scale:

The tightening of US monetary policies drastically curtailed the demand for Third World supplies Between 1980 and 1988, the real prices of the South's commodity exports declined by some 40 percent From then on, it would no longer be First World bankers begging Third world states to borrow their overabundant capital; it would be Third World states begging First World governments and bankers to grant them the credit needed to stay afloat in an increasingly integrated, competitive, and shrinking world market. To make things worse Third World states were soon joined in their cut-throat competition for mobile capital by Second World states (i.e. the Soviet bloc).

In this climate, none of the revolutionary regimes from the seventies were able to accomplish much. Increasing their difficulties were the various terrorists Reagan armed to harass them-contras, Muhajadeen, etc. And the worsening fate for Third World regimes surely undermined the appeal of revolution in states like South Africa and the Philipines, which ultimately pursued democratic openings that carefully avoided in any way threatening the economic interests of the US and other wealthy nations. Reagan's policies succeeded in disciplining labor unions at home and Third World regimes abroad. Labor unions were reduced to bargaining how much they would be willing to give back. Blacks, another once threatening constituency, were locked up in larger and larger numbers. Yuppies, on the other hand, enjoyed the bounty of capital gravitating towards the US (although this is by no means a formula for a durable economy). Abroad, third world regimes were forced to sell off industries they'd nationalized, open the floodgates to foreign investment and profit-taking, and reduce social services. The failure of revolutionary regimes to find their footing on this turf, as much as the fall of the Soviet Empire, accounts for the disintegration of the revolutionary socialist left worldwide. Indeed, the fall of the Soviet Empire was as much a response to this process as to the arms buildup we hear so much more about-the widespread labor unrest in Poland, for example, was directed at government efforts to impose 'austerity' in the new climate.

The key accomplishment of Reagan was to take the wind out of the sails of the left worldwide and at home. Missing from most of the tributes to Reagan is his impact on the Democratic party-by 1996, it had literally written labor unions out of its platform. Like Reagan, Bill Clinton also demonized the poor, failed to expand social programs, and accelerated the inprisonment binge. In a sense, it was this shifting of the consensus of the political class to the right, rather than the particular battles he won or lost, that was Reagan's most impressive accomplishment.

In retrospect, the revolutionary socialist left, and domestic labor unions, had very profound problems of their own. Both failed to engage with the new politics of feminism and environmentalism. Both never abandoned authoritarian traditions. Both, in their own ways, put far too much faith on state power as the way to insure their well-being and achieve social change. Some progress on all these fronts could be witnessed when the left began to regain its footing at the 1999 meeting of the World Trade Organization in Seattle. They are still being wrestled with at the yearly meetings of the World Social Forum and everywhere else the left is regrouping.

It is frequently said that Bush shares Reagan's vision. But Marx's comment about history appearing first as tragedy, then as farce, has never seemed more apropos. Reagan rallied the wealthy classes worldwide; Bush has divided them. Reagan increased the US' power while avoiding much direct military action; Bush has mired the US in two hapless occupations. Reagan brought about a new day for US world power, albeit presiding over an order that everywhere undermined the well-being of the poor. Bush has likely hastened the departure of the US from the world stage.

Steven Sherman is a sociologist living in North Carolina. Check out his Three Hegemons blog.

He can be reached at threehegemons@aol.com.



Weekend Edition Features for June 5 / 6, 2004

C. Douglas Lummis
Toward a Universal Declaration of Human Wrongs

Saul Landau
Five Cubans in Prison, Victims of Bush's Obsession

Dave Lindorff
John Walker Lindh, Revisited

Brian Cloughley
Apologies, Please, From Those Who Got It Wrong

Rich Gibson
The Grenada 17: the Last Prisoners of the Cold War are Black

Elaine Cassel
A Sorry FBI

Cathrin Schütz
On the Ruins of Yugoslavia

Ben Tripp
Call Me, Mr. Cassandra

Kurt Nimmo
The Madness of King George

Ron Jacobs
They Ain't Goin' Nowhere (Unless We Make It So)

Laura Flanders
The Lynne Cheney Show?

Lenni Brenner
Renaissance Noir: Caravaggio at the Met

Abigail Jones
Whatever Happened to Lori Berenson, President Toledo's Trophy Prisoner?

Mark Latham
Nothing Bush Said Has Changed Our Hopes

Gerry Adams
I Was Photographed While Tortured, Too

Toni Solo
Venezuela 2004, Nicaragua's Contra War Reprised

Derek Seidman
Meet the New Boss, Same as the Old

M. Junaid Alam
Torture is Just the Symptom

Matt Siegfried
An American Way of War

Dave Zirin
The Politics of Charles Barkley

Poets' Basement
Albert, Krieger, St. Clair

Website of the Weekend
Overnight Sensations

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