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July
3, 2003
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July
4, 2003
Rule by Fed
Anyone
But Greenspan in 2004
By STANDARD SCHAEFER
Though nearly everything George Bush Jr. does-ranging
from environmental policy to labor practices to religious zealotry-is
wreaking havoc on the United States, he does not yet deserve
full responsibility for its economic collapse. For one thing,
the types of fiscal policies that he's practiced will not have
their full impact for at least another year. More than 90 percent
of the dividend tax cut would not take effect until after 2003
when the economy is expected to have recovered from the current
downturn. The malaise at hand owes much to Federal Reserve Chairman
Alan Greenspan.
Observed with objectivity, there are
few brief moments when he betrayed his laissez faire leanings,
and intervened somewhat successfully in the US economy. The
most successful of these has to be his monetary interventions
after "black Monday", the 1987 stock crash. A short-term
liquidity infusion did much to save the wealthy and a few pensioners.
The second most successful move he made
was another relatively short-term liquidity infusion that helped
protect the US from the racistly-named "Asian flu".
The third most important intervention-though
not perhaps the third most successful--was his cutting rates
after September 11, 2003, Although much of that action benefit
was psychological, he also engineered a $50 billion currency
swap with the European Central Bank to provide dollars for European
commercial banks that ran low on dollars in the wake of the attacks.
This didn't prevent the drop in global markets, but perhaps
it staved off a much less orderly wave of panic selling.
The panic that did ensue was a much Bush's
fault as Bin Laden's. The economy was headed downward and the
first Bush tax cut-which was never truly meant as a stimulus-had
already had time to prove not much of a stimulus. It was the
Bush administration, however, that first suggested that the US
economy could be hurt by an act of terrorism, itself not all
that expensive in terms of the overall economy.
Since that time, the dollar has headed
lower. This is, in part, due to the artificially low interest
rates which make US T-bills unattractive, especially to foreign
investors on whose shoulders the economy rests. When dollars
that are banked abroad do not flow in to buy T-bills, the US
cannot pay down its debts or fund its wars. If the United States
were run by reasonable people, this would be only a major problem,
signaling potentially higher taxes, perhaps on the corporations.
Fortunately, the United States is run by what Gore Vidal has
called The U.S. Property Party. This assures that it will not
due the reasonable thing and raise taxes or interest rates or
probably anything else.
Instead, it artificially lowers rates
further which only further reinforces in the mind of foreign
investors that the US dollar, the US economy is vulnerable.
Worse still, it does so in part to defend against the so far
mythical deflation. It is not necessary to understand this argument
fully to see that it is full of holes, to know off the top of
one's head all the items excluded from the inflation figures:
notice, if you will, what movies now cost or cars.
Nevertheless, Greenspan continues to
lower interest rates and does so without tightening bank lending
standards for consumer loans, especially home loans, where he
has now created a second bubble. Here, of course, his follies
will be exacerbated by Bush Jr's. because lower (or no) long
term capital gains taxes will make it more tempting for people
to trade their homes for more expensive ones. But it is too
early yet to blame Bush. It is not, however, too early to blame
Greenspan because with rates so low, people perceive that they
can afford higher mortgages.
But what Greenspan misses, and what will
always likely be overlooked by any Fed, is that the Bush administration
has declared war on the middle class, on the very people who
pay these mortgage and who are ill-informed about their financial
prospects.
Part of Greenspan's dilemma is that he has to pretend to not
know what the executive branch is doing. He has to pretend,
for example, that he doesn't know what Bush's recent decision
to effectively ban overtime pay will do to the average mortgage
payer.
Just take the proposed redefinition of who is qualified for overtime
pay, for example. Any mortgage application will ask you to refill
it out if you are an hourly worker and don't breakdown exactly
how much you make in overtime. This is because often 25% to
30% of a worker's yearly income is made beyond the forty-hour
work week. Needless to say, the new cuts in overtime pay-themselves
a scandal-will wreak havoc when interest rates finally rise.
Foreclosures will be rampant and consumer spending, which is
more than 70% of the economy, will be severely threatened. It
is already in a bubble of its own because low mortgages mean
people spend more, often to fix up their house, and do so thinking
they can afford the extra debt.
Greenspan doesn't even believe that there
is a real estate bubble. "While the stock market turnover
is more than 100% annually, the turnover of home ownership is
less than 10% annually - scarcely tinder for speculative conflagration,"
Chairman Greenspan has said. He has said as much over and over
without at all acknowledging that the housing bubble is not merely
a consequence of transference of home ownership, but a consequence
of refinancing. In refinancing, the homeowner leverages up his
or her asset and creates a higher cost basis. Higher cost bases
encourage further trading of homes because there is capital gain
savings.
Perhaps more importantly, Greenspan never
discusses the flood of money into Collateralized Mortgage Obligations
(CMOs), a mortgage based investment many investment firms are
now promoting as an alternative to low Treasury yields. As a
result, the American consumer has become doubly exposed to the
housing bubble.
This is a perennial problem for the Fed:
it must pretend to be primarily independent of most Washington
D.C. politics. That means it must act with appearing to be anticipating
the executive and thereby revealing any judgment.
Of course, Greenspan is not above politics.
The man who attended Ayn Rand's funeral, who is beholden to
the fascistic thinker for publishing his first paper is constantly
asked for advice in Washington. That is how he was able to lobby
so effectively for the repeal of Glass Steagall, the law that
erected a wall between investment banking and commercial banking.
In effect, that law kept commercial banks from doing business
in the stock market. That was good because commercial banking
(which is based primarily on profiting from the differential
between the interest paid for capital and the interest received
on loans) is a long-term, low-margin business, one that requires
more rigorous financial scrutiny than investment banking if it
is to avoid the conflicts of interest related to quick bucks
and wild stock markets. The repeal of Glass-Steagall exacerbated
the stock bubble, caused a misallocation of capital resources
and helped erode the objectivity of stock analysts.
But, it was an anti-regulative gesture,
one that Ayn Rand would have adored, and one that cost many pensioners
a chance at a secure retirement. Its repeal led to the fraudulent
practices of Citibank, Merrill Lynch, and many others during
the stock bubble.
But wait, wasn't Greenspan responsible
for increased productivity in the 1990s, and while we may have
overshot the mark, weren't the majority of those huge corporate
profits real?
The Bureau of Economic Analysis reports
reveal that US corporate profits peaked in 1997. The fell steadily
into 2002, even as productivity continued to increase, and have
only just recently stabilized. The much ballyhooed gains in
productivity that characterized the 1990s, however, were actually
surpassed during 1960s, and without any mention by the Fed Chairman
at the time.
Nor did such gains eliminate the boom
and bust business cycle, although that is what Greenspan argued.
In fact, he argued that the boom-bust business cycle had ended
during his famous "irrational exuberance" testimony.
So, while the phrase was perhaps more honest than he'd intended,
he had nevertheless believed in the New Economy.
Eventually, the largest stock bubble
in history became so much of a problem that Greenspan raised
interest rates to the highest real rate (the difference between
Federal Funds rate and the rate of inflation) in 50 years. Not
only did the stock market tank, but so did the general economy.
Curiously, in recent Congressional testimony
Greenspan apologized for his past opposition to the reform and
regulation of accounting practices. Greenspan had said, "Regulation
is not only unnecessary in these markets, it is potentially damaging,
because regulation presupposes disclosure, and forced disclosure
of proprietary information can undercut innovations in financial
markets."
Accordingly, Greenspan lobbied for the
repeal of the Security Acts of 1933 and 1934. The result was
a return to the financial shoot 'em up days of the 1920s. This
is exactly what occurred in the 1990s when firms like Enron,
WorldCom, etc. gave the finger to accounting and banking regulations
through the use of increasingly sophisticated financial derivatives.
But this apology does not mean that the
bank system as a whole is no longer in danger. The US Office
of the Comptroller of the Currency says that major US investment
banks are said to have more than $23 trillion (greater than the
combined GDP of the US and European Union) of customized and
other derivatives on its books. Every other major derivatives
exchange has regulations to avoid market manipulation and liquidity
meltdowns. Dismissing the need for regulation in the derivatives
market, Chairman Greenspan proves unfit for office: one of his
principle responsibilities is to oversee the risk being taken
the financial community.
Furthermore, despite the scandals at
accounting firms such Arthur Andersen, Greenspan continues to
believe that his laissez faire upbringing is appropriate. He
should be advocating regulations that would prevent accounting
firms from any form of consulting business. And if not willing
to go that far, he should advocate that firms who have their
consulting business outgrow their accounting business be subject
to penalties for unethical work. As it is currently, those firms
hide behind their Limited Liability Corporation status and risk
no fees or penalties should they develop conflicts of interest.
When the fiscal policies of George W
finally kick in-and wreak the damage I will address soon in another
Counter Punch feature-Greenspan will have served approximately
15 years. It is possible that Corporate America will still
be gleaming, (as a result of their unfettered assault on the
average worker) and they will likely request a few more years
of Mr. Greenspan. We must not let that get in the way of the
fact that 15 years is too long for any one perspective to guide
the financial system. The Federal Reserve Chairman should also
have term limits, but term limits alone will not change the fundamental
ideology. No regulators who actually are opposed to regulation
should become regulators.
Standard Schaefer is an independent economic journalist and cultural
historian. He also co-edits the New Review of Literature.
He can be reached at ssschaefer@earthlink.net
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