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April
3, 2003
Uri
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David
Vest
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Total War
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of the Day
Traitor List: Sign Up Now!
April
1, 2003
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March
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April 4,
2003
The Lethal Logic
of Barbarians
There Are No
More Arguments
By VIJAY PRASHAD
There are no more arguments.
Only pictures.
Each image of an Iraqi, man or woman,
either staring angrily at the camera, pierces the distance between
us with fear, resentment or something that I have never experienced
and cannot name. Even the images of those who celebrate, or else
who come out to ask the marines for food or water, evoke in me
a sense of their ambivalence. On PBS, we are told that five thousand
Iraqis have decided to abandon their quiet lives in the other
Arab lands and return to Baghdad to defend their homeland. One
man told the reporter that he has no love for President Saddam
Hussein, that he fears for his family, but nonetheless he feels
compelled to leave Amman, Jordan to stand beside the other ill-equipped
men and women who live in the small towns that ring the marshlands
around Baghdad. Without irony, the media has named this heavily
populated zone that rings the capital, South Central Baghdad.
There is a South Central in every country on the planet.
A few of my students have siblings who
are in one or other of the detachments en route to the Baghdad
region. One of them almost wept when we quietly talked about
her brother, when she told us that he did not particularly support
the war, but that, being one of the many working-class youth
for whom the military was a way forward, he had no choice
but to go along. Images of men and women, no, boys and girls,
many in the late teens or early twenties, young Americans with
heavy arms, being jeered at, fired upon, hated. It is obscene
that the hawks rebuke us for being against our troops. I fear
for them, for they stand as the proxy for all that is wrong with
our foreign policy, for the integration of our war machine with
dollar corporations (please take a look at the Institute for
Policy Studies' excellent report, "Crude Visions: How Oil
Interests Obscured US Government Focus on Chemical Weapons Use
by Saddam Hussein," March 2003).
It was one or more of these young people
who opened fire at the Najaf checkpoint and killed ten people.
I've been following the toll of the dead
at iraqbodycount.org,
whose website tracks the number of dead with citations and other
details fairly regularly. "Shock and Awe" did not conduct
the type of indiscriminate bombardment we saw in 1991. Indeed,
the campaign did not immediately produce the death toll in the
Afghan bombings where our forces, we heard at the end of the
first week, "ran out of targets." My initial reaction
to this war was that our massive, planetary protests, backed
by the diplomatic debacle at the Security Council and in the
Turkish Parliament, checked the ability of the Rumsfeldians to
run riot over the Iraqis: one indication of this is the relatively
low death toll (only 77 civilians dead according to Iraqi officials
in Basra, after a torrent of firepower engulfed the city). In
a small way, the limited force, I felt, was a victory for the
anti-war movement. [I find it hard to get worked up about Seymour
Hersh's revelations that Rumsfeld wanted a small force, with
heavy bombing, and that the generals wanted the overwhelming
force associated with 1991: are we supposed to want more troops
there simply to spite the administration?]
But the frustration seems to have set
in, with the resistance and the suicide attack impelling a harsh
reaction from the imperial forces. The armed forces underestimated
the depth of Iraqi nationalism. Even though the Iraqis showed
off their suicide squads in the parades preceding the war, it
seems that the generals did not train the troops to keep their
calm at civilian check points. Then again, the experience of
the Israeli Defense Force shows that if there are suicide attacks,
the army tends toward indiscriminate violence against all those
whom it sees as the potential enemy. The British, with a violent
history in Iraq that stretches to its conduct against the Iraqi
uprisings of the early 1920s, have declared Basra, Iraq's second
largest city, a legitimate "military target." Iraq
will be our Occupied Territories.
The logic of the Coalition seems to be
this:
* We are Civilized.
* We only fight a clean, rule-based war.
* They are not fighting by the rules.
* They are forcing us to break our rules.
* They have made us act like barbarians.
* We will act like barbarians.
Every imperial force has used the same,
benighted logic.
There are no more arguments. Positions
have hardened as the Iraqi defense lines weaken. We have the
realists who say that people die in war, yes, but the whole episode
is for a greater good. Then there are those who say that nothing
good will come from death and conquest, that the blowback will
be immense. There is no room to have a discussion, or even to
agree on a language for a conversation. War does that. It diminishes
civility and it makes us hunker down in our premises, unwilling
to engage with each other.
The death count will continue to rise.
The rage and suffering of the Iraqis, and other Arabs, will also
rise. Those who are not Arab may also get upset, but Arab nationalism
is yet a potent force, despite the fulminations of State Department
thinkers like Faoud Ajami, and it is this patriotism that is
kindled by the images of the American soldier raising the Stars
and Stripes at Umm Qasr or of the dead civilians in the bazaars
of Baghdad.
When I put my two year old daughter to
bed, I shut the windows, close the doors, draw the curtains,
make sure that our guests stay quiet for at least fifteen minutes.
We read books, talk a bit, drink some milk, sing a song, and
then, in absolute silence, she goes to sleep.
Every child should have such a gradual,
calm, night.
Iraqi children are no strangers to suffering.
In late 1999, UNICEF reported that the death rate among children
under five had doubled during the sanctions regime: half a million
children died in this period who may have otherwise lived, according
to UNICEF chief Carol Bellamy. Iraq is a young country, with
half its population under twenty. These are children who have
been raised in a siege, some have taken up arms, others are looking,
as the poet Suheir Hammad put it, "toward the night sky
with fear, as though there are no stars, only bombs in the cosmos."
Without being sentimental, can we consider what hope means for
these Iraqis, especially as our bombs erode their steadfastness
(samoud, the same word that was the name of the Iraqi missiles)?
Can those American children who are protected from harshness
ever know what it must be to survive as an Iraqi child? Aadmi
tha, bari mushkil se insaan hua: we are people, with great difficulty
we became human.
We'll count the dead, but what about
those hearts and minds that will suffer the torment of noise,
fear, blood. Our ethical horizon has already been diminished
by the trauma of the Iraqis. We have sent our youth, those from
among the working class, to do our dirty work. We are yet complicit
in this violence. Let us not forget this as quickly as the British,
for instance, forgot their brutality in India, or the Belgians
forgot their barbaric rule of the Congo. They don't make us act
like barbarians. In our blood lust, we are barbarians.
Vijay Prashad
is an Associate Professor and Director of the International Studies
at Trinity College, Hartford, CT. This article is an excerpt
from his new book: Fat
Cats and Running Dogs: The Enron Stage of Capitalism.
Prashad can be reached at: Vijay.Prashad@trincoll.edu
Today's
Features
Uri
Avnery
A Crooked Mirror: Presstitution and
the Theater of Operations
David
Vest
Can You Hear the Silence?
Anthony
Gancarski
Colin Powell Telemarketer
David
Lindorff
Takoma: the Dolphin Who Refused
to Fight
Michael
Roberts
War, Debts and Deficits
Ramzy
Baroud
Now That Iraqis Are Being Killed Is Israel Any More Secure?
Jo Wilding
From Baghdad with Tears
Anton
Antonowicz
Cluster Bombs on Babylon
Alison
Weir
Israel, We Won't Forget Rachel Corrie
Bruce
Jackson
Hating Wolf Blitzer's Voice
Eliot Katz
War's First Week
Steve
Perry
War Web Log 04/03
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