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Today's
Stories
March 30, 2004
Bill Christison
The 9/11 Commission: Dangerous
Harbringer for the Future
March 29, 2004
John Maxwell
Crisis
in the Caribbean: a Miasma Foretold
J. Michael Springmann
Email
Spying & Attorney Client Privilege
Robert Fisk / Severin
Carrell
Coalition
of the Mercenaries
The Black Commentator
Haiti's Troika of Terror
Doug Giebel
Candide in the Wilderness:
How Bush Policy Was Made
David Krieger
The Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Bargain
Mike Whitney
Rejecting the Language of Terrorism
Richard Oxman
The Pitts: a 9/11 Burrow of an American
Family
Kim Scipes
The AFL-CIO in Venezuela: Deja Vu All Over Again
Michael Donnelly
End Game for Northwest Forests
Norman Solomon
The Media Politics of 9/11
Kathy Kelly
Last Lines Before Vanishing
Website of the Day
Swans: Can Money Buy Everything?

March 27 / 28, 2004
Jennifer Loewenstein
A
Journey to Rafah
Jeffrey St. Clair
Empire of the Locusts
Gary Leupp
The Yassin Assassination: Prelude to an Attack on Syria
William A. Cook
The Yassin Assassination: a Monstrous Insanity Blessed by the
US
Faheem Hussain
Some Thoughts on Waziristan: Once and Always a Colonial Army
Elaine Cassel
Is Playing Paintball Terrorism?
Larry Birns / Jessica
Leight
Disturbing Signals: Kerry and Latin America
John Ross
Bush Tells the World: "Drop Dead"
John Eskow
A Memo to Karl Rove from the Hollywood Caucus
Alan Maass
Who Are the Real Terrorists?
Dave Lindorff
Spineless of US Journalists
Joe Bageant
Howling in the Belly of the Confederacy
Dave Zirin
Reasonable Doubt: Why Barry Bonds is Not on Steroids
Craig Waggoner
Who Would Mel's Jesus Nuke?
The Kerry Quandry
Joel Wendland
Marxists
for Kerry
Josh Frank
Scary,
Scary John Kerry
Matt Vidal
Spoilers, Electability and the Poverty of American Democracy
Poets' Basement
LaMorticella, Hamod, Guthrie, Davies and Albert
Website of the Weekend
Say a Little Prayer

March 26, 2004
Christopher Brauchli
There's
a Chill Over the Country
Robert Fisk
The Man Who Knew Too Much: the Ordeal
of Mordechai Vanunu
Joe DeRaymond
Democracy in El Salvador? Think Again
Mike Whitney
Lessons on Apartheid from Ariel Sharon
Mickey Z.
Somalia and Iraq: Looking Back and Ahead
Chris Floyd
The Pentagon Archipelago
CounterPunch Photo Wire
Cheney's Close Shave?
John Breneman
Bush's Comic Bomb
Website of the Day
Dick
is a Killer
March 25, 2004
Lee Sustar
Who
is to Blame for Lost Jobs?
Standard Schaefer
An
Interview with Michael Hudson on Offshore Banking Centers
Roger Burbach
Lula vs. the IMF: Brazil Begins
to Throw Off the Austerity Planners
Jimmer Endres
Elections Without Politics: The Military Budget Is Not an "Issue"
Larry Tuttle
Acting in Your Name: Identity Theft and Public Interest Groups
Toni Solo
Misreporting Venezuela
Dan Bacher
A Memorial Wall for Iraq War's Dead and Wounded
Saul Landau
Is
Venezuela Next?
Website of the Day
The Spiral Railway

March 24, 2004
Gary Leupp
General
Musharraf's IOU
Richard Oxman
Shakespeare
for Kerry
William Lind
The Beginning
of Phase Three: 4G Warfare Hits Iraq
Rep. Ron Paul
Iraq One Year Later
Michael Dempsey
Killing Rachel Corrie Again
Alan Farago
The Bad Math of Mercury: Bush's War on the Unborn
Benjamin Dangl
and April Howard
Media
in Cuba
John L. Hess
No Lie Left Behind: Judy Miller Does Dick Clarke
Greg Weiher
Two Cheers for Dems: "We're Not as Bad as George"
Eva Golinger
An Open Letter to John Kerry on Venezuela
Grayson Childs
Where's Cynthia McKinney?
Steve Niva
Israel's Assassinations will Only
Fuel More Suicide Bombings
Website of the Day
The Bushiad and the Idiossey

March 23, 2004
Phillip Cryan
The
Drug War's Next Casualty: Colombia's National Parks
Ron Jacobs
They Shoot Men in Wheelchairs, Too?
Dave Lindorff
A Spanish Parallel: Scare Tactics and Elections
Mike Whitney
Richard Clarke and Teflon George
Brian McKinlay
Bush's Lil' Buddy in Trouble: John Howard Starts to Wobble
JG
Driving Mr. Koon: "Jim Crow Lives Next Door"
Phyllis Pollack
Gettin' Jigga with Metallica: the Battle Over the Double Black
CD
Ahmed Bouzid
Sharon's One-Way Track
Sean Carter
The G-Word Goes to Court: One Nation Under [Your Logo Here]
M. Shahid Alam
World's Greatest Country: Do the Facts Lie

March 22, 2004
Mazin Qumsiyeh
On Extrajudicial
Executions
Uri Avnery
The
Assassination of Sheikh Yassin is Worse Than a Crime
Gilad Atzmon
Sharon's Rampage
Mike Whitney
Guilty Until Proven Innocent: the Story of Captain James Yee
Jason Leopold
Firm With Ties to Cheney Faces Criminal Indictment in Cal Energy
Scam
Greg Moses
Stop
Walling and Stalling: a Report from Houston's Peace March
Phil Gasper
San Francisco: 25,000 March for an End to the Occupation
Lenni Brenner
Report
from NYC: Old and Young Parade for Peace
Julian Borger
The Clarke Revelations
Steve Perry
Karl Rove's Moment
Website of the Day
Enviros Against War
March 20 / 21, 2004
Alexander Cockburn
Gay
Marriage: Sidestep on Freedom's Path
Jeffrey St. Clair
Intolerable Opinions in an Age of Shock and Awe: What Would Lilburne
Do?
Ted Honderich
Tony Blair's Moral Responsibility for Atrocities
Saul Landau / Farrah Hassen
The Plot Against Syria: an Irresponsibility Act
Gary Leupp
On Viewing "The Passion of the Christ"
William A. Cook
Fence, Barrier, Wall
Phil Gasper
Bush v. Bush-lite: Chomsky's Lesser Evilism
Ron Jacobs
Fox News and the Masters of War
John Stanton
Which Way John Kerry? The Senator's Inner Nixon
Justin Felux
Kerry and Black America: Just Another Stupid White Man
Mike Whitney
Greenspan's Treason: Swindling Posterity
Augustin Velloso
Avoiding Osama's Abyss
Lawrence Magnuson
Eyes Wide Open: Is Spain Caving in to Terrorism?
Kathy Kelly
Getting Together to Defeat Terrorism
Tracy McLellan
Scalia & Cheney: Happiness is a Warm Gun
Kurt Nimmo
Emma Goldman for President!
Luis J. Rodriguez
The Redemptive Power of Art: It's Not a Frill
Mickey Z
The Michael Moore Diet
Jackie Corr
When Harry Truman Stopped in Butte
Niranjan Ramakrishnan
The Great Trial of 1922: Gandhi's Vision of Responsibility
Poets' Basement
Stew Albert & JD Curtis
Website of the Weekend
Virtual World Election

March 19, 2004
Jeffrey St. Clair
Zapatero
to Kerry: Back Off, Senator, Our Troops are Coming Home
Ann Harrison
So
Protesters, How Well Do You Know Your Rights?
William MacDougall
Fortress Britain's War on "Economic Migrants"
Greg Moses
Sold American: Cowboy Nation Gets Ready to Vote
Cynthia McKinney
Haiti and the Impotence of Black America: Roll Back This Coup,
Mr. Bush
Norman Solomon
Spinning the Past; Threatening the Future
John L. Hess
"Missing" Evidence and the NYTs
Vicente Navarro
The
End of Aznar, Bush's Best Friend
Website of the War
Naming the Dead
March 18, 2004
Gila Svirsky
Rachel
Corrie, One Year Later: She Never Lost Faith in Decency
Christopher Brauchli
Drilling a Hole in the Sanctions: How Halliburton Made $73 Million
from Saddam
William Kulin
Report from Iraq: Just Another Baghdad Car Bombing
Mike Whitney
Resistance: a Moral Imperative
Rep. Ron Paul
Broadcast Indecency Act: an Indecent Attack on the First Amendment
Josh Frank
The Nader Question
Jack Random
They Lied & They Lost: Madrid and the Lessons of Democracy
Greg Bates
What Makes a Nader Voter Tick? A Survey
Sam Hamod / Alfredo Reyes
Contempt of the World: Hastert, Bush and Cheney on Spain
Gary Leupp
The
Madrid Bombings: the Chickens Come Home to Roost
Website of the Day
Privatizing Armageddon: Buy Your Own Doomsday Key

March 17, 2004
Marjorie Cohn
Spain, the EU and the US: War on
Terror or Civil Liberties?
David MacMichael
Untruth
and Consequences
Michael Donnelly
Wear the Green, But Skip the Green Beer
Tom Stephens
"Steady Leadership": Let the Buyer Beware
Wayne Madsen
Sen. Kerry, Let Me Help You Out
Karyn Strickler
Who Owns the Sierra Club? Anonymous Donors and Rigged Elections
Peter Linebaugh
Bush:
Blanc Blanc

March 16, 2004
Lenni Brenner
James
Madison: the Anti-Clerical Father of the Bill of Rights
Scott Boehm
Madrid
Diary: How to Change World Order in Four Days
Alexander Lynch
From Franco to Aznar: the History
Behind the Spanish Elections
Sam Hamod and Alfredo
Reyes
The Truth About the Spanish Elections: Aznar Was Going Down Anyway
Elizabeth Weill-Greenberg
You Wouldn't Do a Dog This Way:
Executing David Clayton Hill
Mike Whitney
The Case for a Nuclear Iran
Robert Fisk
The Bloody Price of the "War
on Terror"
Bill Christison
The
Aftershocks from Madrid
CounterPunch Photo Wire
The Passion of St. Teresa
Website of the Day
Join the War on Art!

March 15, 2004
Harry Browne
Terror Nothing New to Europe
Mike Whitney
Justice
Not Murder: the Tragic Symmetry of Terrorism
Lidice Valenzuela
Haiti: a Coup without Consultation
Greg Moses
Lessons
from the Texas Primaries: Looking for a Coalition with Legs
Mickey Z.
Depraved Indifference: C-Sections, Patriarchy & Women's Health
Asaf Shtull-Trauring
AWOL
in New York: From Refusenik to Organizer
CounterPunch Wire
Gen. Gramajo Executed by Bees!

March 12 / 14, 2004
Gabriel Kolko
The
Coming Elections and the Future of American Global Power
Saul Landau
Oh, Jesus...It's the Movie!
William Blum
Neo-Con(tradictions)
William S. Lind
Why They Throw Rocks
Rahul Mahajan
The Meaning of Madrid: War on "Terrorism" Makes Us
All Less Safe
Neve Gordon
Demographic Wars
Kurt Nimmo
Kerry and the Progressive Interventionists
Mickey Z.
The "New" UN Blames the Poor
Mike Whitney
War Games: the American Media Leads the Charge
Helen Scott and Ashley
Smith
Aristide's Fall: What Led to the Coup?
Justin E.H. Smith
Loïc Wacquant: Against a Sociodicy
of the American Prison
Brandy Baker
Him Again? Al Gore Needs to Move On
Robin Philpot
Nobody Can Call It a "Plane Crash" Now: the Report
on the Assassination of Rwandan President Habyarimana
Mokhiber / Weissman
The Meat Monopoly Takes a Rare Pounding
Dave Zirin
She Turned Her Back on the War: an Interview with Toni Smith
Daniel Wolff
The Lord's Pier

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March
30, 2004
What's Brewing in Venezuela
What
Kind of Democracy to Expect If the Opposition Takes Control
By RAI O'BRIEN
Many are wondering why there is no unified opposition
party in Venezuela ... this is perplexing, especially since there
is a large section of society which actively seeks the replacement
of the elected government.
I began my recent discussions, over a
period of the last several months, with opposition supporters
... people interested in the Venezuelan political situation and
with supporters of Chavez and the "Bolivarian Revolution."
I put forward the idea of the need for
true democracy to flourish in the country ... for a "loyal
opposition" along the lines of that which has historically
been present in the classic "democracies" of Europe
and North America.
It has also been a cause for bewilderment
why there have been no alternative proposals by those against
the rule of Hugo Chavez, other than his departure from the political
scene.
What I have found has truly amazed me.
I have concluded from my discussions
that the Venezuelan opposition envisions no organized and unified
party, no de facto group of potential candidates to run against
Chavez (conceivably in 2006), and no assembled program.
Why has democracy in Venezuela been a
process which has alienated such a large segment of the population,
resulting in widespread civil disobedience?
My discussions with opposition supporters
have yielded frustratingly little which could be used in encouraging
productive debate in the present political situation ... the
sheer level of anger is startling to a non-Venezuelan, such as
myself.
The level of total polarization of the
two sides is seemingly insurmountable. In general, any attempt,
on my part, to inject the idea of opposition-leaning citizens
and Chavistas debating the future of the country in a civil manner
has been thoroughly and categorically denied as a possibility.
It is apparent that no discussion at
all can proceed on the issue of governing the country with Hugo
Chavez Frias as the country's President.
I have had to re-examine what democracy
is ... at least, as it may apply to the two major constituencies
in Venezuela (chavista and opposition).
I do not believe that many would argue
with my conclusion that opposition-types strongly admire the
political system in the United States and, since discussions
with the opposition have been so fruitless in discovering what
they truly look forward to instituting in the country, we must
look to what the US system actually is. We must also look at
what is recent history in Venezuela.
Opposition proponents of the eradication
of Hugo Chavez from the political arena have a recent factual
track record from which we can construe basic expectations of
what they would impose on Venezuela economically and politically,
if they indeed succeeded in ending the Bolivarian Revolution
of Hugo Chavez (this accomplished most effectively by forcing
Chavez from power in Venezuela, of course).
The facts themselves, in many discussions
with opposition-types, are in some dispute. However, to proceed
with this discussion we must attempt to establish some facts
from which we can produce at least some tendencies, if not an
outright model of a new, non-MVR-dominated, but pro-business
national government.
First of all, there was a coup d'etat
which took place in April 2002. The aim of this action was to
force Hugo Chavez from power. It succeeded for some 48 hours.
Among the first actions of the Carmona government was the institution
of an oligarchic dictatorship ... this being concluded by their
dissolution of the National Assembly, the Constitution and the
Supreme Tribunal of Justice.
It has been widely disputed by opposition
supporters, but what also occurred during the coup period was
essentially state terrorism against Chavistas. The opposition,
I know, will virulently argue this, and also laterally accuse
Chavistas of human rights violations against them ... but the
one seemingly indisputable fact is that, in the aftermath of
the coup, "democracy" did not seem to be a primary
concern of the opposition.
A second fact is that, after the coup
was overturned, their next organized step was the "national
strike" (as it is portrayed by opposition) or the "employer
lockout" (as defined by Chavistas) from December 2002 to
February 2003.
The overriding fact of the matter ...
no matter how it is labeled ... is that the opposition clearly
intended to destroy (at least in the short term) the Venezuelan
economy, with the intended result being the goal of creating
a situation where Venezuela would be "ungovernable,"
resulting in the forced resignation of Hugo Chavez.
We can argue the means used to quell
this assault on the economy, but not that it occurred, and what
the desired result was of the strike/lockout.
Third, we must look at the recall referendum
signatures process, which is the third attempt organized by the
opposition to remove Chavez from power.
Here I will attempt to distill this entire
situation into the basic reality: the opposition did utilize,
to some extent, blatant fraud in the process (as well as masses
of legitimate signatures), from the undeniable submittal of hundreds
of thousands of indisputably fraudulent signatures; to the more
marginally disputable "challenged" signatures as have
been held in limbo until the "repair process" (endorsed
by the CNE and approved by the TSJ) can either reaffirm them
as genuine, or to throw them out all together.
An important fact, as well, is to say
that the CNE has given the opposition and opportunity to verify
the signatures by having the disputed votes reaffirmed by the
signers if in fact they did vote for the removal of Chavez.
To this point in time, the opposition
has restricted it's cooperation in the process to their lawsuit
challenging CNE to implement the "repair" process.
This legal attempt has proven to be unsuccessful. The process
is still there to institute a civilian-mandated referendum on
Chavez' rule. It is still possible for the opposition to prevail,
if their disputed signers simply come forward and verify their
signatures. Over two thousand sites have been authorized for
owners of the disputed signatures to perform this reaffirmation.
So no rational argument can be made that
the opposition is being denied the right to constitutionally
utilize the constitutionally-mandated recall referendum, if they
can prove they indeed have the votes for it to proceed.
I add this: the opposition has pointed
out, with some justification, that some government retaliation
has been imposed on signers ... and ... that the government has
accused employers of coercing voters to sign for the recall referendum,
as well.
Judging from the three organized efforts
of the opposition, we can see that there was little hesitancy
to utilize 1) violent anti-Constitutional means to destroy Chavez'
government by violent means; 2) a willingness to destroy the
economy of the nation in the "strike" or "lockout"
(whichever terminology you prefer) in order to topple the state;
and, 3) when presented with a Constitutionally-endorsed tool
to remove Chavez from office, they chose to utilize fraudulent
(as well as non-fraudulent) means.
In dispute also are the use of computers
at polling places, holding signatures for weeks after the vote
and the presence of the same handwriting on entire multi-voter
ballots.
In conclusion, it must be assumed that
the opposition clearly believes that any effort to topple Chavez
is legitimate. Also, any form of government they would organize,
if they succeeded to power, would not include the MVR.
Last ... although only implied by the
lockout ... PDVSA would again be under control of the opposition,
subject to their own unsupervised accounting methods in rewarding
the state as owner.
At no point in any of the three phases
did the opposition cooperate under strict democratic guidelines.
When in power they indisputably instituted an oligarchic dictatorship.
Whether this would be permanent or temporary is disputable, however.
All we have to go by is what they actually
have attempted since April 2002 since they do not state a detailed
program post-Chavez.
Let's move onto the concept of democracy,
itself.
"Democracy" can be best defined,
at this point in history, as understood and practiced in the
USA, my country. Let's factually state that this is now the reality
in a world of one "superpower" ... the United States
of America. Let's examine, in general terms, just what "democracy"
has become in the US; and how "democracy" is being
imposed in our two newest "democracies": Afghanistan
and Iraq.
The reason is that these are the two
latest examples of plans to set up democratic systems.
Lets look at the US example: The US political
system is indisputably and totally controlled by two political
parties. These two parties are undeniably controlled by money.
The political system relies on corporate and personal financial
campaign-fund contributions to political candidates. It is indisputable
that large campaign money decides the winners in nearly all national
elections. The only question is whether the cash controls votes,
as it certainly does influence them, at the very least. The two
presidential candidates for 2004 have little to differentiate
themselves. Both are sons of large and wealthy families, both
support what some would categorize as economic imperialism and
national self-interest, and some would call free-market globalization
(this is a separate debate).
The media in the US can "make or
break" candidates, most recently Howard Dean. In the last
election Al Gore was demonized as a liar, among other things,
by the press, who were indisputably "soft" on their
criticism of Mr. Bush. This indisputably influenced the outcome
in an election decided by 500 or so Florida votes, which itself
is being still debated in our society regarding it's legitimacy.
Indisputably, money rules in the US political system. Therefore,
it is logical to surmise that the interests of the moneyed classes
in the US are dominant in the process. For one to believe in
a "real" democracy, self-delusion is indeed necessary.
We could extend these ideas to mean that the present US "democratic"
system simply ensures that the minority rules.
The US has instituted two "democracies"
post-9/11: They are Afghanistan, headed by a US hand-picked president,
with a "democratic system" which involves warlords,
not citizens, and exists only because the US bodily protects
the president from assassination. The average citizen in Afghanistan
is not projected to be involved in the system. Some would say
that this is unfair, because the system is just establishing
itself. I would reply that the aim here is to allow the US to
withdraw from the country, but to perpetually control US military
bases; and, that once the US withdraws day-to-day control on
the ground in civil society that things will regress back to
warlord control, "at best", or Taliban-control, "at
worst."
The CPA (Coalition Provisional Authority)
in Iraq first attempted to institute a democratic system by a
hand-picked panel of puppets (Governing Council) which has thus
far had two options: to approve the dictates of Paul Bremer,
or to not co-operate and be powerless in the new system. The
first attempt to form a "democratic" government was
the institution a system of "caucuses," whereby the
US would, in essence, control the candidates in the electoral
process (much like the two property parties in US politics control
the candidates the hapless American voter gets to choose from).
When this system was exposed as a cynical
attempt to establish a permanent de facto US-controlled government
(amenable to US interest desire to control Iraqi oil wealth,
and maintenance of US military bases in the country perpetually),
the civilian leadership of the head cleric of the majority demographic
of the country, the Shi'ites, refused to go along with it, and
it had to be abandoned.
The most recent attempt forced the Governing
Council to agree to a new Constitutional amendment which would
force legislative gridlock, thereby maintaining all the decrees
of the CPA perpetually, since 75% of the population would need
top agree to any change (this is actually worse than it sounds,
because the Kurdish minority could effectively block any changes,
and since they are the closest to the US they would be open to
manipulation, or in the least, could block anything unfavorable
to them, therefore making an "Islamic" government impossible,
although it is indisputably preferred by a majority of the Iraqi
population).
Therefore, we can see by the three models
(US, Afghanistan, Iraq) that true democracy is not a subjective
central aim.
The US is thoroughly dominated by moneyed
interests, and US-endorsed democracies (as well as totalitarian
states aligned with US interests) survive merely because they
support US aims.
In conclusion, it is not disputable that
the opposition in Venezuela admire the US system. The US has
been discovered to have been indisputably in at least covert
support of the opposition coup attempt in April 2002. It has
been proven, as well, that opposition leaders did openly meet
with Bush administration officials in Washington prior to the
"national strike" or "lockout." And it is
indisputable the US government non-governmental organization,
financially supported by the US government, the National Endowment
for Democracy (NED), did provide financial support to the recent
recall referendum drive by the opposition.
With these facts in hand, I must believe
that "democracy" ... in the sense it is mostly widely
accepted by average person everywhere ... is not the goal of
the opposition.
What is being contemplated is the new
"globalized version" of democracy.
This is most concisely defined as a system
which portrays itself as a democracy, but in reality is a system
which supports the goals of the elite in the global economy.
Our modern media, too, is shown in all
its glory in Venezuela, which is almost entirely dominated by
corporate interests, as it blatantly is in today's US. These
interests coincide with those of the wealthy classes. Our political
parties effectively exclude average persons from the governing
class. Our choices, as citizens, essentially restrict themselves
to the selecting between two hand-picked candidates of the elite
classes.
This is the "democracy" which
can be expected in Venezuela if the opposition takes control
of the country.
And, this is why the opposition does
not present a unified party, with a group of established potential
viable candidates to run against Chavez if there is a 2006 election
... and why there is no stated opposition program.
It is simply not in the opposition's
interests to present any of the three (all prerequisites under
a truly democratic system in Venezuela).
The only way for the opposition to disprove
these conclusions would be to take the steps necessary to effectively
participate in the Venezuelan political system: present a unified
opposition party, begin to formulate a leadership, openly publish
a alternative program of national governing; and, to work with
all people and alternative political groups towards national
prosperity.
Rai O'Brien can
be reached at: rai.obrien@juno.com
Weekend
Edition Features for March 20 / 21, 2004
Jennifer Loewenstein
A
Journey to Rafah
Jeffrey St. Clair
Empire of the Locusts
Gary Leupp
The Yassin Assassination: Prelude to an Attack on Syria
William A. Cook
The Yassin Assassination: a Monstrous Insanity Blessed by the
US
Faheem Hussain
Some Thoughts on Waziristan: Once and Always a Colonial Army
Elaine Cassel
Is Playing Paintball Terrorism?
Larry Birns / Jessica
Leight
Disturbing Signals: Kerry and Latin America
John Ross
Bush Tells the World: "Drop Dead"
John Eskow
A Memo to Karl Rove from the Hollywood Caucus
Alan Maass
Who Are the Real Terrorists?
Joe Bageant
Howling in the Belly of the Confederacy
Dave Zirin
Reasonable Doubt: Why Barry Bonds is Not on Steroids
Craig Waggoner
Who Would Mel's Jesus Nuke?
The Kerry Quandry
Joel Wendland
Marxists
for Kerry
Josh Frank
Scary,
Scary John Kerry
Matt Vidal
Spoilers, Electability and the Poverty of American Democracy
Poets' Basement
LaMorticella, Hamod, Guthrie, Davies and Albert
Website of the Weekend
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