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CounterPunch: Complete Coverage of 9/11 and the War on Afghanistan

New Print Edition of CounterPunch Published January 9: the New Afghan Regime: Smaller Stones and More Poppies; how the CIA Covered Up its backing of bin Laden; Anthrax and the National Review; Peggy Noonan's Nonsense; Where the Donner Party died; Why we write about Christopher Hitchens; CounterPunch's annual list of 10 Groups that Make a Difference. Subscribe Now!

January 22, 2002

Kevin Alexander Gray
The Crisis in Black Leadership

January 21, 2002

Marjorie Cohn
Will Walker's Words
Be Used Against Him?

Ahmad Faruqui
MLK Jr. and the Palestinians

January 19. 2002

Jordan Green
Enron Stole Our Future

January 18, 2002

Tom Turnipseed
The Enron Model

Walt Brasch
Enron at the White House

CounterPunch Wire
Human Rights Groups Says Guantanamo Prisoners Must
Be Treated as POWs

January 17, 2002

Gideon Levy
Bulldozing Rafah

Uri Avnery
That Weapons Shipment

January 16, 2002

John Chuckman
The Angel and the Pretzel

Lawrence McGuire
Subverting the
Geneva Convention

Kathy Kelly
An Open Letter to
Richard Perle on Iraq

January 15, 2002

George Monbiot
Greenpeace, Lord Melchett
and the Business of Betrayal

Jack McCarthy
Follow the Pretzel

William Blum
Atta and the Times:
Follow the Changing Story

Edward Said
Emerging Alternatives
in Palestine

January 14, 2002

David Vest
Open Bag. Eat Pretzels.

Patrick Cockburn
Collapse of Georgia
Ignored by the World

Mokhiber/Weissman
Enron's Accountants:
When In Doubt, Shred It

January 13, 2002

C.G. Estabrook
Why We Kill People

January 12, 2002

Cockburn/St. Clair
Forbidden Truths

January 11, 2002

Lee Balllinger/Dave Marsh
Neil Young's Duet with Ashcroft

January 10, 2002

Tom Turnipseed
Bush, Enron, UNOCAL
and the Taliban

St. Clair/Cockburn
Greenpeace to Greenwash?

Hans von Sponek
Iraq: Is There an Alternative
to Military Action?

Jim Lobe
Israeli Human Rights Group Assails Army

Marina Mayakova
Russia's Top Military Astrologer Predicts More Attacks from OBL

January 9, 2002

David Vest
The Super-Burqa
and the Big Tent

ND Jayaprakash
Winnable Nuclear War?

Rafiq Kathwari
Kashmir Will Make Ground Zero Look Like a Bonfire

January 8, 2002

Prudence Crowther
Sting Like a B-52

Nelson Valdés
Al-Qaeda at Guantanamo Bay

John Chuckman
Dark Tales from the
Ministry of Truth

Richard Corn-Revere
Do We Fear Freedom?

Joan Hoff
The Nixon You Haven't Heard

January 7, 2002

Lawrence McGuire
Confusing Economic Tales About Argentina

Wael Masri
They Are Taking
Our Rights Away

Philip Farruggio
Better Medicine


A Photographic Journal of Life in an Afghan Refugee Camp
By Judith Mann

Resources:
100s of Links About 9/11


CounterPunch:
Complete Coverage of 9/11 and Its Aftermath


Five Days That
Shook The World:
Seattle and Beyond

By Alexander Cockburn
and Jeffrey St. Clair
Photos by Allan Sekula

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Published Oct. 15, 2001

8-Page Special Issue

War Diary

CIA's Assassination Plan a History of Torture in US Prisons

bin Laden and Bush Business Connections

Aisha Ikramuddin on the Hidden Hype of US Food Bombs

Peter Linebaugh on Pakistan

Christopher Hitchens' Love for Mrs. Thatcher

Jiang Zemin Tells Bush:
Nuke 'Em


Search CounterPunch

Read Whiteout and Find Out How the CIA's Backing of the Mujahideen Created the World's Most Robust Heroin Market and Helped to Finance the Rise of the Taliban and Osama bin Laden

Whiteout:
CIA, Drugs & the Press

by Alexander Cockburn
and Jeffrey St. Clair

The Memphis Blues Again:
Six Decades of Memphis Music Photographs
Photos by Ernest Withers
Text by Daniel Wolff

The New Intifada:
Resisting Israel's Apartheid

Edited by Roane Carey

A Pocket Guide to
Environmental Bad Guys
by James Ridgeway
and Jeffrey St. Clair

The Phoenix Program
by Douglas Valentine

Al Gore:
A User's Manual
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Private Warriors
by Ken Silverstein

CounterPunch's Booktalk

January 22, 2002

Speak Out, Get Smeared

No Regrets

By Robert Jensen

There are about 2,700 faculty members at the University of Texas at Austin, the largest campus in the United States. It's easy to get lost in the crowd here.

But this fall, UT President Larry Faulkner made me feel special.

In September Faulkner took time from a president's busy schedule to comment on my writing in the pages of the state's largest newspaper. True, he called me "misguided" and described my work as "a fountain of undiluted foolishness." But at least he cared enough to write.

Faulkner's insults were hardly the nastiest comments I received this fall after writing and speaking against the United States' so-called war on terrorism. Beginning with the reaction to an op-ed that was published in the Houston Chronicle on Sept. 14, ("U.S. just as guilty of committing own violent acts," Outlook) I received more than 4,000 messages and phone calls over the next three months, many from folks who thought I should be fired and/or run out of the country for my critique of U.S. policy. Several men left me messages suggesting they would like to take a swing at me, though I doubted that anyone would really take the time to drive all the way from Houston just to bloody my nose. Some had a sense of humor; my favorite was a song written to the tune of Camp Grenada that began, "Robert Jensen, scum professor ... "

Friends and colleagues expressed concern about my well-being during those months, which I appreciated but found somewhat puzzling. I write and speak in public because I want to put forward political ideas I strongly believe in. When people respond, shouldn't I be grateful? When I know I am putting forward a minority point of view with which many will disagree, shouldn't I expect some of the responses to be critical, even hostile?

I was fortunate that the hostility toward me stayed within reasonably civil boundaries, which hasn't been the case for all faculty members, most notably the Palestinian computer science professor at the University of South Florida who was fired last month for his political views. It's likely that not only my tenured status -- I can't be fired without cause, protection that few people in this economy have -- but my white skin helped protect me.

What I did find disturbing about the public dialogue after Sept. 11 was not the way in which members of the public sometimes attacked me, but the way in which members of my intellectual community mostly refused to engage these crucial issues about terrorism, the war and U.S. foreign policy.

Let's start with Faulkner's response. I didn't take it personally that my boss didn't like my ideas. My concern about his broadside was the possible chilling effect it would have on others, especially untenured professors and students. I also regretted that he didn't move beyond an ad hominem attack to explain what substantive disagreements he had with my position. As far as I know, he has yet to do that in a public forum, though I know of one case in which he apparently turned down the chance to engage me directly.

In early October a producer at National Public Radio's Talk of the Nation show called to book me on a program about antiwar dissent. When she called back to ask if I would be willing to go on at the same time as Faulkner, I quickly agreed. She called back a third time to report that the UT president was going to appear on the show but had declined to go on the air with me live.

It turns out that Faulkner's reticence was not idiosyncratic. Later in the fall a student organizing a debate on civil liberties issues related to the war enlisted me to be a speaker. About a week before the scheduled event, the student told me she was going to cancel the forum, explaining that she couldn't find a professor to speak in favor of the Bush administration's civil liberties policies or the anti-terrorism legislation.

I was incredulous, saying I could think of several professors on campus whom I was fairly certain were supportive. She told me that, indeed, she had identified such professors and talked to them, but none would participate in a public debate on the issues.

Another person planning a community forum told me that a well-known professor who was invited to speak at the event had said that he would not sit on a platform with me or anyone who held positions like mine. A producer who booked me for a Canadian Broadcasting Co. radio program reported that several American professors she approached to debate the history of the United States' use of violence against civilians turned her down; she was ready to cancel the segment when at the last minute she found a "scholar" from a right-wing think tank to appear.

The producer's difficulty was not due to a shortage of conservative or pro-administration professors in the United States. The idea that campuses are dominated by left-wing radicals is laughable; the country's major universities are predominantly centrist to right-leaning institutions, and UT is no different.

Given that many professors routinely speak in public and on mass media -- indeed, many actively seek the exposure for their views, myself included -- why in these situations would so many turn down the opportunity?

A majority of the American public supported a military response to the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, and that support continued after President Bush took us to war. But there also were many people like me who raised questions about the history of U.S. aggression, argued for the exploration of solutions to the problem of terrorism that would avoid war and more civilian deaths, and suggested that some of the Bush administration's war aims had more to do with extending U.S. domination over the Middle East and Central Asia than about ensuring the safety of U.S. citizens.

Though many disagree with these positions, they are perfectly plausible arguments, held widely in the United States and even more widely outside the country. Any serious public discussion about policy options has to engage such questions. When I was able to raise those issues, especially in public talks where I had enough time to offer evidence and explanation, even many supporters of the war conceded that some of the antiwar movement's critiques were not so easy to answer.

Perhaps it isn't so difficult to understand why professors who hold a position that has the support of the majority of the people might be reluctant to debate. When such a debate likely would raise difficult questions about that position, why bother when you are already on top? It is easy to speak in public when one is parroting the conventional wisdom without challenge. But I would argue that faculty members at a public university have an obligation to go beyond such safe endeavors.

One of the common complaints about professors is that they so rarely come out of the "ivory tower" to be part of the wider world. One of the common complaints by professors is that the people don't appreciate their scholarship and expertise.

This fall I found out that some people would prefer that faculty members venture outside that tower only when they offer opinions that don't challenge the prejudices of the majority. And I learned that some of my colleagues prefer venues in which their opinions are not subject to challenge.

I am no worse for the wear after the events of this fall. Down the road, I hope we can look back and say the same thing for our intellectual and political culture, for the ideals of higher education and democracy.

Robert Jensen is a professor in the School of Journalism at the University of Texas at Austin and author of Writing Dissent: Taking Radical Ideas from the Margins to the Mainstream. He can be reached at rjensen@uts.cc.utexas.edu