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CounterPunch
January
4, 2003
Venezuela: Chomsky's Tropical
Nightmare
by FRANCISO ARMADA
and CARLOS MUTANER
To suffer in your own flesh and blood what Noam
Chomsky writes about the ideological power of Media is very different
from reading it. We have enjoyed reading his articles about the
media that helped us understand its enormous influence in contemporary
societies. However, living in Venezuela during the last three
years has allowed us to suffer directly that power.
The role of the media was crucial during
the short coup of last April 11 against the president Hugo Chávez.
Private TV chains and local newspapers maintained a constant
campaign of attack to the government and they supported a national
strike just before the coup. They judged according to their own
biased criterion the demonstrations for and against the coup
and they did not doubt in blaming to the government as author
of the unfortunate deaths occurred that day, near the half among
supporters of the government. They quickly endorsed as leading
authority the self -proclaimed temporary president, a conservative
business leader. They even went so far as to endorse the coup's
first government action whereby the self-proclaimed president
annulled the Constitution of the Republica Bolivariana of Venezuela,
changed the name of the country and dissolved all public powers,
including the legislative power and the dismissal of state governors.
The media quickly launched a campaign with an "Orwellian"
doublespeak celebration of return to "democracy".
While thousands of people took the streets
of the country's main cities calling for the return of President
Chávez, the media progressively began to change its programming
to children's movies and practically suppressed any information
about what was going on inside the country. They justified their
silence with explanations involving "security concerns".
Only when the crowd surrounded media headquarters and demanded
the transmission of current political events did the media managers
and owners agree to deliver some news about the return of the
president.
After the restoration of the legitimate
democratic government, most of the Venezuelan private media continued
its one-sided political action, serving as a crude outlet for
anti-government, pro-coup propaganda. The media has become one
message, to paraphrase McLuhan. They often transmit interviews
with soldiers involved in the coup, dressed in military uniforms
and ask their old comrades-in-arms not to recognize the government.
The media have endorsed the take over of a Caracas square where
groups of civilians, mostly upper middle and upper class, have
supported to the leaders of the coup for months. The daily live
coverage from this square has become the "reality show"
in a grotesque fascist experiment. When several people were injured
and three were killed during a terrible spur of violence in that
square, the media immediately blamed president Chávez,
and aired demonstrations of coup perpetrators blaming the president
for murder and calling on the armed forces to rebel.
The media not only ignores the most obvious
realities, propagates and endorses protests called by the opposition,
censors news about the events carried out in support of the government,
labels Chávez's followers as violent and their opponents
as democrats; it also exaggerates the size of the opposition's
protests while minimizing or ignoring the breadth of support
for Chávez. The media is thus both jury and defendant
in this trial.
Numerous popular demonstrations have
taken place by government supporters against the role of the
media. Recently four young university students initiated a front
hunger strike one of local T.V. chains, while the private media
has yet to consider this event news at all. The private media
has also ignored a caravan of hundreds of vehicles that called
for an end to mass psychological terror and urged people to not
watch private TV channles. This demonstration ended with the
destruction of a dozen television sets in front of one of the
main TV stations.
Popular demonstrations in front of media
headquarters are frequent these days in Caracas and other Venezuelan
cities. The majority of these demonstrations against the media
are peaceful, although one turned violent and ended up with the
destruction of some material goods. While the police protect
TV stations and newspapers, the media continues with its pro-coup
political activism, propaganda, and call for the violent overthrow
of a democratically elected government. While the government
is afraid of curtailing the freedom of expression, viewers cannot
be protected from this media manipulation unless we continue
to build alternative mechanisms of organization, participation
and communication in defence of our society.
Francisco Armada
works in the Ministerio de la Salud y Bienestar Social in Venezuela.
Carlos Mutaner teaches at the University of Maryland at
Baltimore. They can be reached at: farmada@cantv.net
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