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Five Days That
Shook The World:
Seattle and Beyond

By Alexander Cockburn
and Jeffrey St. Clair
with Photos
by Allan Sekula

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Published on April 11

THE CARPENTER'S SPLIT

McCarron Takes
The Carpenters Union
Out of the AFL-CIO

THE FAKE FIGHT ON CAMPAIGN
FINANCE REFORM

McCain and Feingold
Sit Still as Their Bill
is Ravaged

US BULLIES JUDGES TO FALSE
VERDICT IN LOCKERBIE TRIAL

Published on March 11

"THE RICH ARE TREMBLING"

CounterPunch Reports From Mexico
City on the Arrival of
the Zapatistas

"TIFFANY'S ON WINGS"

The Madness of the
F-22 Fighter Plane

WAR CRIMINAL!

Confronting
Elliott Abrams

Published on February 28

THE PARDONER'S TALE

Liberals Kick Bill,
Dance with Bush

TED TURNER'S
GOLDEN SHOWERS

America's Land Lord
Locks Out Poor and
Electroshocks Wolves

THAT'S NOT JAZZ!

The Aesthetic Crimes of Ken Burns



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Ken Burns Kills Jazz

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Microradio and Michael Powell

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The Media and the Middle East:
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Links for Quebec City FTAA
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The NYPD's War Against Blacks

Edward Said on Freud, Zionism and Censorship

Does Bush Consider Caribou Calving Online Porn?

Photo of Bill and Hill's
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Vote Fraud in Tennessee

How the Colorado River
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Poisoned and Stolen

The Hanssen Spy Case

Those Clinton Pardons

Ferlinghetti Decries
Gentrification of San Francisco

Pinochet the Coward

W. Draws First Blood

Mr. Blair's Bombs

Hate Crimes and Death Penalty

Guiliani's Latest Art Fit

The Politics of Eminem

The Last Great Alaskan Oil Rush

Clinton Goes to Harlem

The Crimes of Ariel Sharon

Depleted Uranium:
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TR, Clinton, Powell and Plan Colombia

Ashcroft an Extremist?

Farewell Bill and HIll

Criminalizing Youth

CounterPunch Coverage
of Election 2000

The New Reality:
Enviros, Fears and Cash

What Seattle Wrought

The Passing of the Archdruid

No Fault Journalism:
The NYT Slimes
Wen Ho Lee

Pentagon Auctions
Off the White House

South Carolina's Flag

Attack on Micro-Radio

Beyond Left and Right

CNN and Psyops

Cops and Dogs

Eugenics:
the Impulse Never Dies

The IRA's Bum Rap

Crazed Cops or Fallen Heroes?

How the Pentagon
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Food Central: How 3 Firms
Have Come to Control
the World's Food Supply

CIA Shrinks and LSD

Cruel and Unusual Punishment:
Lee Davis Execution Photos

Children In Banana Trees:
a photo exhibit by David Bacon

Guns, the Left and the Constitution

Bill Gates' Mugshot

The Hillary Syndrome

Colombia:
Is It the Next Guatemala?

George W. Bush's Money Men:
The 119 Pioneers

What Set Off Ted K.?: The Unabomber, the CIA & LSD

April 18, 2001

Oklahoma City
and Timothy McVeigh

Drive along Interstate 40 through Oklahoma City, as a CounterPunch editor did in late March, and one is encouraged to make a detour into downtown, to whose renewal as a tourist destination McVeigh has made an ironic contribution. From Interstate 40 signs alert travellers to the correct route to the Oklahoma City National Memorial, the only feature of the city deemed worthy of such advertisement. There were maybe a couple of hundred visitors in an otherwise entirely empty downtown. Cockburn parked not so far from where Timothy McVeigh left his Ryder truck packed with 4,800 pounds of ammonium nitrate and fuel oil on April 19, 1995, lit the fuse and was driving out of town when the truck went up at 9.02 am, killing 168 people.

There's a chain link fence with various memorabilia stuck to it, poems by kids, and several irritating statements encased in plastic, written by Dr Paul Heath, self-described bombing "survivor", who was in the VA on the fifth floor. A typical Heath-gram: "The bombing was surely an evil act that should not have happened. Because of this evil a white statue of Jesus now stands off-site with its back turned away from the site and facing 168 empty spaces in a black stone wall." The acreage previously occupied by the Alfred P. Murrah federal building now holds a vast reflecting pool bracketed by two modernist "gates of time", respectively labelled 9.01 and 9.03. South of the pool there are 168 odd looking chairs, with high bronze backs and plastic seats which light up at night, each displaying a name. On a wall nearby there are the names of "survivors". There's also a "survivor tree" from the 1920s, an elm that beat not only McVeigh but Dutch elm disease.

The old Journal Record building next door is now a memorial center, also housing an Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism. In the shop you can buy a K-9 poster, featuring Bella (L.A. Search Dogs), Butch (Vancouver Fire and Rescue), Bethany (Oklahoma Bureau of Narcotics), Keli (Woof Search and Rescue Unit) plus about 45 other dogs who had distinguished themselves in the post-bombing hours.

There's audio-visual evocation of the news noises on April 19, 1995, plus an effective tape of a fellow trying to get his permit to bottle and sell water. This proceeding was going on across the street and on the tape you hear the bomb go off and a sententious voice adds that the permit seeker was using government correctly for peaceful ends, unlike McVeigh. This is a theme sounded throughout the exhibition in many different ways, none more vigorously that when lauding the Oklahoma citizens and survivors who rushed to Washington DC to press (successfully) for rapid passage of the Effective Death Penalty Act.

The memorial is supposed to educate us about terror and about the bombing, yet an uninformed person could spend several hours in it and leave without knowing anything more about the perpetrator of the Oklahoma bombing, beyond the fact that he was white and his name was McVeigh. Certainly not that he was a veteran of the US Army, well trained to kill by Uncle Sam and actually quite vocal on his motives, which on his various accounts derived from government tyranny, the federal onslaughts at Ruby Ridge and Waco plus the attack on Iraq.

McVeigh's role is advertised by just one photograph, the familiar one of the US Army vet being marched along in orange jumpsuit and handcuffs by FBI men. You wouldn't know anything about the man who parked the Ryder truck in front of the Murrah building, beyond the fact that he was white. You wouldn't know he was born in Pendleton, near Buffalo, that his father was a working man, employed by GM, that McVeigh was an okay student but couldn't get a job in the Reagan recession of the Eighties that laid waste the old industrial north-east. He did briefly work as a security guard in a warehouse in the awful racist, upstate town of Cheektowaga. Decorated veteran of the Iraqi war? There's no mention of McVeigh's military career.

The photographs of McVeigh outside the Branch Davidian compound near Waco during the siege are also nowhere to be found, though they advertise McVeigh's prime stated motivation, to strike back at the federal government that killed over 80 civilians including 24 children. There is a large map of the United States in the exhibit rooms.

McVeigh, scheduled to meet the Reaper this coming May, is certainly more coherent than the memorialists in Oklahoma City, who have produced a self-congratulatory mishmash of kitsch. Here's a couple of paragraphs from his handwritten submission to Media By-Pass in 1998: "Remember Dresden? How about Hanoi? Tripoli? Baghdad? What about the big ones - Hiroshima and Nagasaki? (At these two locations, the US killed at least 150,000 noncombatants - mostly women and children - in the blink of an eye. Thousands more took hours, days, weeks, or months to die.) If Saddam is such a demon, and people are calling for war crimes charges against him and his nation, whey do we not hear the same cry for blood directed at those responsible for even greater amounts of 'mass destruction'- like those responsible and involved in dropping bombs on the cities mentioned above?

"The truth is, the U.S. has set the standard when it comes to the stockpiling and use of weapons of mass destruction. Hypocrisy when it comes to the death of children? In Oklahoma City, it was family convenience that explained the presence of a day-care center placed between street level and the law enforcement agencies which occupied the upper floors of the building. Yet when discussion shifts to Iraq, any day-care center in a government building instantly becomes 'a shield.' Think about that. (Actually, there is a difference here. The administration has admitted to knowledge of the presence of children in or near Iraqi government buildings, yet they still proceed with their plans to bomb - saying that they cannot be held responsible if children die. There is no such proof, however, that knowledge of the presence of children existed in relation to the Oklahoma City bombing.)"

Visitors to the Memorial seemed vaguely unsatisfied by the displays. The Memorial could have offered them so much more, had its organizers opted to transcend self-congratulation and banality. How about a weekly drama or even debate in front of the Survivor Tree about the nature of terrorism, a dissection of McVeigh's professed motives, a comparison of terrorist acts around the world, perpetrated by states and by individuals. Would not the tourists, some of them retired from the military, have relished an event of this nature?

But the Memorial's organizers have declined all such avenues of opportunity. Better to sit tight and deal with the onslaught as a vacuum between 9.01 and 9.03, as a terrible piece of bad luck when Mom might not have left her kid off at the child care center on the second floor, when the HUD secretary on the Fifth Floor might have taken the day off, might have stepped back a couple of yards just before the floor fell away. Safer to think of the attack in the Midwestern heartland as a matter involving senselessness and bad luck rather than political events and historical circumstances.

McVeigh's American as apple pie too, not least in the media-obsessed grotesquerie of his (presumptively) final days, trying to have his "state-assisted suicide" screened on national tv, wishing he could smuggle out his sperm to female admirers, planning to cry out "168 to 1" in his final statement. That's a lousy, evil way to assess the efficacy of political terror, but after all, look at the outfit that trained him up for his terrible deed.