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Today's Stories

August 28, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Zombies for Kerry

August 27, 2004

Gary Leupp
Neocon Musings

Robin Cook
The Ghosts of Abu Ghraib

Diane Christian
Disarming

Michael Donnelly
Situational Democracy: the Show Me the Green Party?

Jack Random
4F and Other Heroes: an Army of War Resisters

Mike Ferner
"To the Swift Boats!"

Mazin Qumsiyeh
7000 Palestinian Political Prisoners

Veronza Bowers, Jr.
"You Won't Be Leaving Tomorrow"


Sex, Drugs & the Blues!
Serpents in the Garden

CounterPunch's Sizzling New Book on Culture and Sex is Now Available
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August 26, 2004

M. Shahid Alam
The Clash Thesis: a Failing Ideology?

Diane Christian
War Rules: Bush is No Sun Tzu

Derek Seidman
"They're As Bad As Wal-Mart:" Starbucks Workers Get Organized

David Lindorff
Court to RNC Protesters: Drop the Rally

Christopher Brauchli
Signs of Dissent: the Bush in the Bubble

Stew Albert
Reporting Suspicious Activity

Mark Donham
Judgement in Athens: Give the Koreans Their Day in Court

Saul Landau
Pinochet: the Al Capone of the Southern Cone

Website of the Day
The Kerry 527 Ad You'll Never See

 

August 25, 2004

Amelia Peltz
Can I Have 9.8 Seconds of Your Time?

Noah Leavitt
Defining and Redefining Torture

Ron Jacobs
Takin' It to the Streets: It's Not About the Election, It's About Democracy

James Brooks
Coronado Crosses the Jordan

Akiva Eldar
How to Win the Jewish Vote: Turn Gaza into a "Mini-Afghanistan"

Gemma Araneta
Chavez's New Brand of Populism

Philip Cryan
Uribe's Boys: the Death Squads of Colombia

CounterPunch Wire
Cheney Opens the Closet Door

 

August 24, 2004

Jeremy Scahill
John Kerry: the Warchurian Candidate

Gary Leupp
"We Want Them to Go Away"

David Domke
God Willing: an Echoing Press and Political Fundamentalism

William Loren Katz
The Meaning of Hugo Chávez: Black and Indian Power in Venezuela

Jonah Gindin
With Chavez? Reading the International Private Media

Fran Schor
Denying Atrocities: From Vietnam to Fallujah

Joe Bageant
Driving on the Bones of God

Website of the Day
The Great America Lockdown: a Primer for the RNC


 

August 23, 2004

Winslow Wheeler
Don't Mind If I Do: Porkbarrel and the War on Terror

John Pilger
Bush May Be the Lesser Evil

Stan Goff
Swift Boat Dogfight

Bill and Kathleen Christison
Notes from the West Bank: Build, Demolish, Rebuild

Mike Whitney
The Unraveling of Afghanistan

William Blum
Brave New World of Iraqi Sovereignty

Ralph Nader
A Letter to the Washington Post: a Shameful and Unsavory Editorial

 

 

August 21 / 22, 2004

Cockburn / St. Clair
"They Want Blood:" The Bi-Partisan Origins of the Total War on Drugs

Landau / Hassen
Failing the Mission? Form a Commission

Brian Cloughley
The Bush Team in Iraq: Moral Cowardice, as Practiced by Experts

Josh Frank
Nader as David Duke? The ADL Wants You to Think So

Mike Whitney
Reincarnating Mengele: the Torture Doctors of Abu Ghraib

Ron Jacobs
Day Labor Blues

Mickey Z.
Shooting at Whales: 40 Years After Tonkin

Fred Gardner
Dr. Wolman Comes Out: The Cannabis Consultants

Dave Zirin
Uprising in Athens: Iraqi Soccer Team Gives Bush the Boot

Josh Saxe
Witnessing Police Brutality in LA

Yanar Mohammed
Letter from Baghdad: a Democracy of Killings and Bombings

Helen Williams
Ali's Story: a Taste of Reality from Baghdad

Michael Donnelly
Elemental and NaturalForests, Fire and Recovery

Elizabeth Schulte
The Crisis in Affordable Housing

Poets' Basement
Adler, Albert, Virgil, Ford and Krieger

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Weekend Edition
August 28 / 29, 2004

Blowing Smoke on Intelligence

Turning Liability into Asset

By RAY McGOVERN
Former CIA Analyst

What do the president's nomination of Rep. Porter Goss (R, FL) to head the CIA and the seemingly contradictory proposal of Senator Pat Roberts (R, KS) to dismember the CIA have in common with tales of swift boats once in Vietnam? Answer: The proven potential of all three to grab the headlines and draw attention away from President George W. Bush's most serious vulnerabilities in this key pre-election period.

One can be forgiven for being confused at the administration's recent moves on the intelligence front. Early last month, when the Senate Intelligence Committee published its multi-count indictment of CIA's performance on Iraq and former CIA Director George Tenet left the scene of the crime, the pundits expressed confidence that the president would ask Tenet's deputy to fill in over the ensuing months rather than risk calling further attention to the intelligence fiasco.

Leading Democrats were rubbing their hands in glee at the president's dilemma. Failing to appoint a new take-charge CIA director would look inept amid all the warnings of a pre-election terrorist attack, but appointing one would bring still more embarrassment for the administration. And some voters, the Democrats were hoping, might even remember where the buck is supposed to stop.

Not a problem, decided Karl Rove, who continues to outsmart many Democrats of higher IQ. The situation is made to order. The president is particularly vulnerable on two counts: what he did in Iraq, and what he didn't do before 9/11. The 9/11 commission performed yeoman's service in diffusing responsibility such that no one-and especially not the one sitting where the buck used to stop-could be held accountable. And it is turning out to be almost as easy on Iraq­despite the continuing mayhem there and the inexorable culpability-creep up the chain of command regarding the torture of Iraqi and other prisoners.

Porter Goss Front and Center

It was in this context that the White House decided to stoke the fires of political controversy still higher by nominating Porter Goss to replace Tenet. As chairman of the House Intelligence Committee for the last eight years, Goss is as responsible as anyone for the intelligence failures that facilitated the attacks of 9/11.

He bears even more responsibility for turning a blind eye toward the corruption of intelligence-including the conjured-up-out-of-thin-air mushroom cloud that in October 2002 frightened Congress into surrendering to the president its constitutional prerogative to wage war. No one has accused Goss of being dumb. If we "out-of-the-loop" veteran intelligence professionals could readily see what was going on, surely Goss could.

And so, as Goss comes before the Senate for confirmation, controversy is assured-and welcomed by the White House. The Democrats will not pass up the opportunity to ask the nominee how all this could have escaped Goss' attention during the eight years he chaired the powerful House Intelligence Committee. They will want to know, specifically, why he failed to stem the erosion of CIA's human source reporting capability-a problem Goss himself highlighted after his first year as chairman. And they are bound to ask him why he sponsored legislation with deeper cuts in intelligence funding than those advocated by Sen. John Kerry-for which Republicans have roundly criticized Kerry.

But while the Democratic leadership continues to lick its chops at the prospect of raking Goss over the coals at his nomination hearings next month, Karl Rove is smirking from ear to ear. Another situation made to order. Attention will be riveted on this controversial "team player" nominated to assume the mantle of Tenet, who in a leap of faith-based intelligence aimed at keeping himself on the starting cheerleader team, famously described the evidence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq as a "slam dunk."

Too bad the press, and even the Democrats, play along in accepting the failure of intelligence as the reason we invaded Iraq. In doing so they let the White House off the hook and deny the public the honest debate it deserves about the real reasons for war.

The focus on Goss and intelligence reforms allows the White House to push its message: The president was misled. It was a terrible performance, but now Tenet is gone. Subtext to Senate Democrats: Here's Goss: take him, or leave him (and open yourselves to charges of foot-dragging at a time when our PR machine has ratcheted up the likelihood of a terrorist attack before the election).

The performance of intelligence was, indeed, terrible-as inept as it was politicized. But intelligence failings regarding weapons of mass destruction and putative ties between Iraq and al-Qaeda had very little to do with the president's decision to make war on Iraq.

The Real Reasons

With the false WMD threat exposed and tales of significant ties between Iraq and al-Qaeda thoroughly discredited, the American people need an open discussion about the White House's motivations for invading Iraq. Rove's tactics aside, the Democrats are none too eager to engage this question, either, as is clear from John Kerry's recent statements on justification for the war.

And the general consensus contrives to silence those of us who dare to speak on the Iraq debacle. As has become increasingly clear, the neo-conservatives' vision that the US has a strategic imperative to gain more assured control over oil from the Middle East, together with their overweening zeal to eliminate any conceivable threat to the security of Israel, are what sunk us into the quicksand of Iraq. More important at this juncture, these twin aims render it virtually impossible for these policy makers to find a way out.

Quite aside from the political opprobrium that would attach to a decision to "cut and run," the neo-cons probably reckon that, in the wake of the invasion of Iraq, Israel is only more secure as long as the US keeps a sizable military presence there. The Bush administration is, on the one hand, unwilling to send the "several hundred thousand" troops that former Army Chief of Staff Eric Shinseki at the outset warned would be needed. On the other hand, it seems convinced that it cannot withdraw without leaving Israel in the lurch.

The neo-cons have considerable difficulty distinguishing between the strategic requirements of Israel and those of the US. There are not enough US troops in Iraq to quell the resistance, but there are enough to prevent any strategic threat to Israel. And so, the Bush administration shows no intention of drawing down US forces from Iraq anytime soon.

This, needless to say, has serious implications for us all-including my grandson Matthew who is fast approaching draft age. But such awkward realities are not supposed to be spoken in polite political discourse. Last Friday on PBS' Charlie Rose Show, I broke that taboo and was immediately branded "goofy" and "anti-Semitic" by arch-neo-conservative James Woolsey, a former CIA director.

It is a volatile, but important, point. Most Americans would be loath to support sending our young men and women into Iraq to make the world safer for an Israel that is armed to the teeth and led by the likes of Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon.

In justifying the war, the administration deemed it far better to home in on things like "weapons of mass destruction" and to count on our somnolent press to miss a glaring inconsistency. On February 24, 2001, Secretary of State Colin Powell stated publicly, "Saddam Hussein has not developed any significant capability with respect to weapons of mass destruction." And in July 2001 Condoleezza Rice said, "We are able to keep his arms from him. His military forces have not been rebuilt."

But, as we are repeatedly reminded, after September 11 "everything changed." Are we being asked to believe, then, that weapons of mass destruction suddenly descended softly on Iraq-like manna from heaven?

Intelligence Complicity

Intelligence? No intelligence estimate on Iraq was wanted by the White House, or needed, until the fall of 2002 when Congress was asked to authorize war on Iraq-long after the decision to attack. At that point the ever-vigilant Senate intelligence oversight (overlook?) committee woke up to the fact that it had seen no intelligence to justify war. So the White House ordered the obedient Tenet to have his chefs cook up the "evidence" needed to muddle congressional minds with mushroom clouds. And the worst National Intelligence Estimate in US history was conjured up to help convince Congress to surrender to the president its power to make war.

Just as the swift boats of August have been spreading thick spray, the Goss hearings next month and debate on Roberts' cockamamie proposal on restructuring-so outlandish as to have zero chance of passing-can be counted upon to spread enough fog to keep the mayhem in Iraq off the front pages and distract attention from the president's most serious vulnerabilities. Karl Rove is counting on it, and he's cleverer by half.

Iraq? The CIA made us do it.

Ray McGovern, a CIA analyst for 27 years, is co-founder of Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity and a contributor to CounterPunch's unsparing new history of the Afghanistan/Iraq wars, Imperial Crusades. McGovern can be reached at: RRMcGovern@aol.com

This article was first published on TomPaine.com



Weekend Edition Features for August 7 / 8, 2004

James Petras
The Anatomy of "Terror Experts": Meet the Mandarins of Abu Ghraib

Fred Gardner
Run Ricky Run: Football, Pot and Pain

Justin Delacour
Anti-Chavez Pollsters Panic: Fix Numbers; Reinvent Venezuela

Brian Cloughley
Persecuted by All; Supported by None: Who Would Be A Kurd?

Joshua Frank
The Outsider: a Talk with Ralph Nader

Iain A. Boal
On "Shame": Warmed-Over Orientalism and Racist Projection

Chris Floyd
All About Eve: Open Season on Women in DC and Rome

Andrew Fenton
Fighting for Democracy and Justice in Haiti

Aseem Shrivastava
Saga of an Anguished Afghan

Neil Corbett
See Cuba: Sometimes a Cigar is Just a Cigar, Mr. Bush

Carol Miller / Forrest Hill
Rigged Convention; Divided Party: How David Cobb Won with Only 12% of the Vote

Tarek Milleron
Breaking the Principled Voter

Donald Macintyre
The Battle of Najaf

Ron Jacobs
Spirits of The Dead: Why I Love My Petty Bourgeois Tendencies

Mickey Z.
Kid Gavilan's Grave: Propaganda Scores a TKO

Poets' Basement
Adler, Ford and Albert

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