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July
10, 2003
Joanne
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Federal Courts, Not Military Commissions
July
9, 2003
David
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Is the Media Finally Turning on
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Jones
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4 / 6, 2003
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Lobe
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3, 2003
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The Meaning of Gettysburg
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W. Croft
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Goff
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July 2, 2003
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Christian
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Falk
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1, 2003
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28 / 29, 2003
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July
9, 2003
Defendants, Not Combatants
Federal
Courts, Not Military Commissions
By JOANNE MARINER
Boston federal judge William G. Young garnered
national media attention last January when, in sentencing "shoe
bomber" Richard Reid to several terms of life imprisonment,
he dismissed Reid's claim to be taking part in a war against
the United States. "You are not an enemy combatant,"
insisted Young. "You are a terrorist."
The New York Post ran a photo of Judge
Young on its cover the next day, praising him as a "tough-talking
federal judge." But what it failed to mention in describing
the Boston jurist's patriotic outburst was that his message was
directed at the Bush Administration at least as much as it was
at Reid.
Seeking to evade civilian trial guarantees,
the Administration seems ever more inclined to treat terrorism
suspects as wartime enemies. Although it claims to do so for
the worthiest of reasons, its actions seem opportunistic, at
best. "Enemy combatants," under the rules the Pentagon
applies, have no status or protection under the laws of war and
are unable to assert their ordinary rights as criminal defendants.
Thought of conceptually, the civilian
and military systems are two different worlds. Under the Bush
Administration's authority, however, the overlap is considerable.
While Reid had his day in federal court, similar cases are likely
to be tried before military commissions.
Indeed, just two weeks ago, the government put an abrupt end
to another federal criminal prosecution by transferring the defendant
to a Navy brig.
With a stroke of the pen, the detainee--a
Qatari student arrested in Peoria, Illinois--was transformed
into an "enemy combatant."
The "Do Not Move
Him" Order
In presiding over the Richard Reid case,
Judge Young was the first to challenge such dubious prosecutorial
maneuvers. Reid, a British citizen accused of trying to blow
up a jetliner, was such a likely candidate for designation as
an enemy combatant that Young issued an emergency order in March
2002 to block the defendant's transfer out of the jurisdiction.
Although Judge Young later revoked his
emergency "do not move him" order, concluding that
he lacked the power to compel the government to prosecute Reid
in his courtroom, he made an eloquent case for keeping terrorism
trials in the civilian court system. Implicitly criticizing the
lesser procedural rules that the Bush Administration has fashioned
for military tribunals, Young lauded prosecutors' efforts to
show "formal proof beyond a reasonable doubt in a public
courtroom."
Besides the greater fairness inherent
in civilian trials, Judge Young underscored their symbolic value.
By bringing a case to trial in federal court, Young explained,
the government "invigorates and strengthens our democracy
. . . and demonstrates to the world at large its absolute faith
in the strength and independence of our institutions."
Of War and Credit
Card Fraud
While the Reid prosecution ended successfully--in
a guilty plea and a heavy sentence--Judge Young's fear that the
government might forum-shop between the civilian and military
systems were borne out in the case of Ali Saleh Kahlah al-Marri.
Al-Marri--the Qatari student whose case was recently yanked out
of federal court--was originally detained in December 2001, the
same month that Reid was arrested.
Al-Marri, like Reid--and like Jose Padilla,
another "enemy combatant" now in military detention--was
arrested far from any battlefield. He was unarmed, and carried
no military gear or other indicators of martial status.
The FBI did, however, find evidence to
implicate al-Marri in criminal activity. Indeed, although the
presidential order directing his transfer to military custody
accused him of engaging in "hostile and war-like acts,"
the civilian charges he faced involved credit card fraud and
lying to FBI agents.
Up until he was declared an enemy combatant,
al-Marri was looking at a July 21 trial date in Peoria, Illinois.
Now, as he languishes in incommunicado detention, his future
is far less certain. But one thing is clear: his trial, if and
when the Pentagon decides to hold it, will almost certainly take
place before a military commission.
A "Profound Shift
in our Legal Institutions"
Last week, with President's Bush designation
of six detainees as eligible for trial before military commissions,
the trend toward reliance on a parallel system of justice to
prosecute crimes of terrorism gained real momentum. It seems
very likely, in fact, that military commission proceedings will
begin within the next month or so.
Judge Young, writing in the Reid case,
said that the move toward trying federal crimes in military commissions
was "the most profound shift in our legal institutions"
he had witnessed in his lifetime. What he decried, most of all,
was that this shift had "taken place without engaging any
broad public interest whatsoever."
Now that these proceedings are poised
to begin, it is time for the public to start paying attention.
At Reid's sentencing hearing earlier this year, Judge Young outlined
the most compelling reasons to do so.
Young told Reid that he had been tried
in federal court so that justice in his case could be administered
"fairly, individually, and discretely." And he explained:
"Because we all know that the way we treat you, Mr. Reid,
is the measure of our own liberties."
Joanne Mariner
is a human rights attorney and regular CounterPunch contributor.
She is the author of No
Escape: Male Rape in US Prisons published by Human Rights
Watch. An earlier version of this piece appeared in FindLaw's
Writ. She can be reached at: mariner@counterpunch.org.
Weekend
Edition Features
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