|
CounterPunch
February
1, 2003
Bush's New Butt-Kisser
Adios
Minister Castaneda; Hello Professor
Jorge
by SAUL LANDAU
In January, Mexican President Vicente Fox accepted
his first cabinet resignation. Foreign Minister Jorge Castaneda
Gutman resigned and accepted a job as a professor at NYU. One
Mexican poll claimed that 77% approved of his leaving. President
Fox, deprived of his most learned adviser, looked despondent.
The White House praised Castaneda's work and said it would miss
him.
Indeed, where would Bush find a more
willing and able Mexican butt-kisser? Castaneda backed Washington's
obsolete policy toward Cuba, endorsed its globalization policies
that caused misery in Mexico and throughout the third world and
even tried to support Bush's irrational war demands against Iraq.
Castaneda, ironically, resigned because
of timing. Washington had counted on Mexico's vote in the UN.
As a non-permanent UN Security Council member Mexico had the
chance to play a key role in the internal Security Council politics
around the US war against Iraq. President Fox, contrary to Castaneda's
strong advice, had instructed his delegate, Adolfo Aguilar Zinser,
to vote against the use of force against Iraq. Before going to
the UN, Aguilar Zinser, Castaneda's one-time friend and sometimes
rival, had served as Fox's National Security Adviser. Aguilar
Zinser told the media that Mexico opposed Bush bellicose position.
Castaneda, reportedly in a rage over being overruled, submitted
his resignation.
For most of his term, Castaneda had done
what no other Mexican minister had dared do since the Mexican
revolution. He had taken an openly pro-Washington position. He
explained to Congress and the media that "all nations incline
to the U.S. for one reason or another and Mexico will be no exception."
Although his adage had the ring of ugly truth, he had nevertheless
revealed the unspeakable, and the traditional political parties,
most of whose important members had been clandestinely in the
US pocket on issues that mattered to Washington, vehemently denounced
Castaneda. The PANistas (The National Action Party -- Fox's party)
called him a closet lefty; the pseudo left PRD (Revolutionary
Democratic Party) a traitor to the cause of the people.
For all of his obsequiousness to the
Bush White House, he could not get Bush to deliver an acceptable
immigration arrangement, the most solemn promise candidate Fox
had made and could not conveniently circumvent. Castaneda had
insisted on abandoning the traditional Mexican posture toward
Washington. For more than half a century Mexican governments
have maintained a foreign policy that appeared independent from
the United States.
Once in a while, appearance even coincided
with reality. For example, Mexico refused to obey US dictates
to break all relations with Cuba in the early 1960s when the
rest of Latin American dutifully fell into line. Instead, Mexico
maintained not only diplomatic relations with the communist government
of Fidel Castro, but insisted that she had the right to trade
with Cuba and even allowed Cubana airlines to run scheduled flights
from Mexico to Havana.
However, trade between the two neighbors
was practically non-existent and when, in 1969, Cuba purchased
a mechanized cane-cutter from a Mexican factory, CIA operatives
arrived at the factory, sabotaged the machine and rewrote the
repair manual so as to make them incomprehensible to Cuban mechanics.
The regular Cubana flights from the Mexican
capital to Cuba also involved peculiar procedures. From documents
declassified in the late 1980s we learned that the CIA had arranged
with (bribed) Mexican authorities to force each passenger before
boarding the Havana flight to submit to a six page questionnaire,
filled out by a Mexican paid by the CIA but wearing the uniform
of an immigration official. Then the passenger held a number
to his chest and had his photo taken. The CIA received the photos.
On some occasions, CIA agents with Mexican
police credentials kidnapped prospective US passengers, forced
them into cars and drove them to the US border. In 1970 six Americans
described to me in vivid detail the highlights of their traumatic
experience that began as they pulled up to the Mexico City airport.
Burly fellows, armed and carrying some sort of badges threw them
into locked cars and drove them straight except for bathroom
and gas stops to the Texas border.
Despite this crude collaboration with
the CIA's anti-Castro policies for forty plus years, the Mexican
government had maintained the facade of absolute correctness
with Cuba. Hardly overrun with friends in the hemisphere, Cuba
accepted the facade as convenient and in return did not attempt
to "export" to Mexico the revolutionary ideology that
she gladly dispensed to the rest of the third world. The Mexican
government used its supposedly fair and just Cuba policy against
its own left. On the one hand it heralded the sovereignty of
Cuba and its right to have its revolution, while smashing its
own left for having those same ideas.
In the 1960s, 70s and 80s, the government
murdered and tortured thousands of leftists. The United States,
even after it "discovered" human rights as a foreign
policy criteria under Jimmy Carter, 1976-80, remained quite silent,
appropriately bowing to Mexican "sovereignty." Luis
Echeverria Alvarez, Minister of Gobernacion (Interior) in the
late 1960s and President from 1970-1976 made militant speeches
about third world independence and swore allegiance to Cuban
sovereignty. But he acceded not only to the "cute"
CIA capers with Cuba but the bloody 1968 assault at Tlatelalco
where the government's repressive forces slaughtered hundreds
of protesting Mexican youth. Echeverria was a product of the
seven decade long ruling culture of the PRI (Institutional Revolutionary
Party). The record of Mexico's ruling party qualifies it for
a place in the Guinness Book of records: length of 20th Century
governance plus the quality and quantity of its corruption.
Then in 2000, Mexican voters ousted the
ossified and deeply destructive PRI and elected Vicente Fox.
The leaders and members of the rightist PAN party, an olio of
Franco type fascists, sincerely reformist Catholics and opportunistic
business and professionals, were shocked when Fox appointed a
leftish, scholar-journalist albeit the son of a former foreign
minister to the Chancellor post. Since the fall of the USSR,
however, Jorge Castaneda, an ex commy intellectual, had also
gained respect and renown from prestigious establishment circles.
In office, he became not just conservative,
but downright obsequious toward Washington. He justified his
servility by explaining that in the globalized and uni-polar
power world Mexico had to change its traditional and meaningless
charade of independence and bargain with the great master as
a subservient nation. By doing this, he argued, he could get
Washington to agree to sign a treaty legalizing the 3 plus million
Mexicans who live in the United States without the protection
of green cards or other legal papers.
He failed. The lesson: the White House
flatulates in the face of butt-kissers. In Castaneda's case,
Bush, citing post 9/11 security reasons, refused to legalize
the Mexicans inside the US, thus crowning two years of working
in vain toward one major goal. Castaneda resigned. He knew from
his mastery of Washington politics that going against Bush's
wish on Iraq at the UN meant certain defeat for an immigration
plan.
In Washington, high officials expressed
genuine disappointment over Castaneda's departure. In Havana
the opposite emotion prevailed. Indeed, the Cubans had accused
Castaneda of acting as Washington's agent in pursuing Cold War
policies against the island. In February 2001, after a year of
Castaneda's openly provocative anti-Castro remarks, Fox traveled
visit to Havana to celebrate the centennial of Mexican-Cuban
relations. Castaneda's behavior infuriated Castro. Just as US
Members of Congress cover their asses by meeting with dissidents
after conferring with Castro, Castaneda arranged for Fox to meet
these "dissidents." Then in the Spring of 2001, Castaneda
broke another Mexican tradition when, instead of abstaining,
he ordered Mexico's representative to condemn Cuba for human
rights violations at the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva.
Cuban officials were not alone in reminding the world that Mexico's
human rights record could hardly withstand scrutiny, especially
in light of its persecution and often murder -- of its own dissidents
and the continued maintenance of a 60,000 strong army of occupation
in Chiapas.
Castaneda shrugged of such criticism
and in March 2002, further alienated Cuban officials. He became
the showpiece as the Miami inauguration of a <Mexican-U.S>.
cultural office. Speaking before the most rabid anti-Castro Cubans,
he asserted the "doors of Mexico's Havana embassy"
would be open to dissenters. Within hours, these words landed
in Cuba, thanks to Radio Marti, the broadcast financed by the
US government.
Predictably, a group of malcontents hijacked
a public bus and ran it through the gates of the Mexican Embassy.
Mexico's Ambassador, Ricardo Pascoe, was furious and demanded
that Castaneda agree to allow Cuban police to remove the gate-crashers,
who were partying at the Embassy. Castaneda had to agree and
Cuban authorities arrested the invaders.
Castaneda's hatred for Castro had become
public knowledge by this time. For those who had read his book,
Utopia Unarmed, this came as no surprise. The age of armed insurrection
was over, he asserted, just before the Zapatista uprising occurred.
The Cuban revolution is not only out of date, but hopelessly
flawed, the book argued. But what shocked even Castaneda's admirers
was the crudity of the tactics he used against Fidel, who, arguably,
has proven himself in the last 44 years, the cleverest of all
Latin American leaders.
In March, 2002, Mexico hosted the UN
International Conference on Financing for Development in the
industrial city of Monterrey. Castaneda had convinced President
Fox to bow to a US demand: Bush would attend the conference if
Mexico could assure him that Castro would not be present at the
same time. So, instead of telling Washington to go shove it,
Fox phoned Fidel and asked him to leave before W landed in Monterrey.
Fidel, seething at this insult, planned his revenge. Upon returning
to Cuba, after mysteriously announcing that he had to leave Mexico,
he made public the phone conversation in which Fox had asked
him to leave early so that the more important Bush would come.
Fox was humiliated. His subservience
to Washington caused him deep embarrassment. The media saw Castaneda's
hand in this fiasco and whatever hopes he had cultivated for
a presidential run were dashed. Fidel proved a better hardball
player than the academic Jorge. Castaneda maintained his policies
to the end, welcoming Osvaldo Paya, a Cuban dissident, to Mexico
in January.
How ironic that the Princeton and Sorbonne
educated Castaneda, who had adored the Cuban revolution and even
supposedly aspired to become a Che type guerrillero in Central
America in the early 1980s would see his career and reputation
fall at the hands of the revolutionary master himself.
Jorge Castaneda had plans not only for
himself as President but for Mexico, whose economic growth would
give it the status it deserved as a real player in the world.
Without him, Fox's Cabinet lacks any distinguished intellects.
The new Foreign Minister, Luis Ernesto Derbez served for some
15 years as a World Bank official in Asia. Under Presidents Salinas
and Zedillo (1988-2000) he supported NAFTA. Of late, he has criticized
the trade treaty for its failure to help Mexico.
Derbez might soon find himself involved
in a campaign financing scandal, an issue that will limit his
power to do anything out of the ordinary. Fox will govern with
a "pure" business Cabinet representing the largest
and most powerful interests of the Mexican rich a kind of lesser
parallel to the Bush government.
In his first two years as President,
Fox has accomplished little to help Mexico deal with its growing
poverty, declining environmental health. His policies have fostered
the disappearance of Mexican agriculture. His growth plan has
evaporated as the maquilas, the intended engine of development,
have begun to move to China, a cheaper labor market. With Castaneda
gone, Fox loses whatever vision existed inside his governing
group. This might not be all that bad, considering the kind of
twisted and subservient vision Castaneda had developed.
Saul Landau teaches at Cal Poly Pomona
University and is a fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies.
His latest film, IRAQ: VOICES FROM THE STREETS, is available
from The Cinema Guild -1-800-723-5522. eda, Hello Professor Jorge
By Saul Landau
In January, Mexican President Vicente
Fox accepted his first cabinet resignation. Foreign Minister
Jorge Castaneda Gutman resigned and accepted a job as a professor
at NYU. One Mexican poll claimed that 77% approved of his leaving.
President Fox, deprived of his most learned adviser, looked despondent.
The White House praised Castaneda's work and said it would miss
him.
Indeed, where would Bush find a more
willing and able Mexican butt kisser? Castaneda backed Washington's
obsolete policy toward Cuba, endorsed its globalization policies
that caused misery in Mexico and throughout the third world and
even tried to support Bush's irrational war demands against Iraq.
Castaneda, ironically, resigned because
of timing. Washington had counted on Mexico's vote in the UN.
As a non-permanent UN Security Council member Mexico had the
chance to play a key role in the internal Security Council politics
around the US war against Iraq. President Fox, contrary to Castaneda's
strong advice, had instructed his delegate, Adolfo Aguilar Zinser,
to vote against the use of force against Iraq. Before going to
the UN, Aguilar Zinser, Castaneda's one-time friend and sometimes
rival, had served as Fox's National Security Adviser. Aguilar
Zinser told the media that Mexico opposed Bush bellicose position.
Castaneda, reportedly in a rage over being overruled, submitted
his resignation.
For most of his term, Castaneda had done
what no other Mexican minister had dared do since the Mexican
revolution. He had taken an openly pro-Washington position. He
explained to Congress and the media that "all nations incline
to the U.S. for one reason or another and Mexico will be no exception."
Although his adage had the ring of ugly truth, he had nevertheless
revealed the unspeakable, and the traditional political parties,
most of whose important members had been clandestinely in the
US pocket on issues that mattered to Washington, vehemently denounced
Castaneda. The PANistas (The National Action Party -- Fox's party)
called him a closet lefty; the pseudo left PRD (Revolutionary
Democratic Party) a traitor to the cause of the people.
For all of his obsequiousness to the
Bush White House, he could not get Bush to deliver an acceptable
immigration arrangement, the most solemn promise candidate Fox
had made and could not conveniently circumvent. Castaneda had
insisted on abandoning the traditional Mexican posture toward
Washington. For more than half a century Mexican governments
have maintained a foreign policy that appeared independent from
the United States.
Once in a while, appearance even coincided
with reality. For example, Mexico refused to obey US dictates
to break all relations with Cuba in the early 1960s when the
rest of Latin American dutifully fell into line. Instead, Mexico
maintained not only diplomatic relations with the communist government
of Fidel Castro, but insisted that she had the right to trade
with Cuba and even allowed Cubana airlines to run scheduled flights
from Mexico to Havana.
However, trade between the two neighbors
was practically non-existent and when, in 1969, Cuba purchased
a mechanized cane-cutter from a Mexican factory, CIA operatives
arrived at the factory, sabotaged the machine and rewrote the
repair manual so as to make them incomprehensible to Cuban mechanics.
The regular Cubana flights from the Mexican
capital to Cuba also involved peculiar procedures. From documents
declassified in the late 1980s we learned that the CIA had arranged
with (bribed) Mexican authorities to force each passenger before
boarding the Havana flight to submit to a six page questionnaire,
filled out by a Mexican paid by the CIA but wearing the uniform
of an immigration official. Then the passenger held a number
to his chest and had his photo taken. The CIA received the photos.
On some occasions, CIA agents with Mexican
police credentials kidnapped prospective US passengers, forced
them into cars and drove them to the US border. In 1970 six Americans
described to me in vivid detail the highlights of their traumatic
experience that began as they pulled up to the Mexico City airport.
Burly fellows, armed and carrying some sort of badges threw them
into locked cars and drove them straight except for bathroom
and gas stops to the Texas border.
Despite this crude collaboration with
the CIA's anti-Castro policies for forty plus years, the Mexican
government had maintained the facade of absolute correctness
with Cuba. Hardly overrun with friends in the hemisphere, Cuba
accepted the facade as convenient and in return did not attempt
to "export" to Mexico the revolutionary ideology that
she gladly dispensed to the rest of the third world. The Mexican
government used its supposedly fair and just Cuba policy against
its own left. On the one hand it heralded the sovereignty of
Cuba and its right to have its revolution, while smashing its
own left for having those same ideas.
In the 1960s, 70s and 80s, the government
murdered and tortured thousands of leftists. The United States,
even after it "discovered" human rights as a foreign
policy criteria under Jimmy Carter, 1976-80, remained quite silent,
appropriately bowing to Mexican "sovereignty." Luis
Echeverria Alvarez, Minister of Gobernacion (Interior) in the
late 1960s and President from 1970-1976 made militant speeches
about third world independence and swore allegiance to Cuban
sovereignty. But he acceded not only to the "cute"
CIA capers with Cuba but the bloody 1968 assault at Tlatelalco
where the government's repressive forces slaughtered hundreds
of protesting Mexican youth. Echeverria was a product of the
seven decade long ruling culture of the PRI (Institutional Revolutionary
Party). The record of Mexico's ruling party qualifies it for
a place in the Guinness Book of records: length of 20th Century
governance plus the quality and quantity of its corruption.
Then in 2000, Mexican voters ousted the
ossified and deeply destructive PRI and elected Vicente Fox.
The leaders and members of the rightist PAN party, an olio of
Franco type fascists, sincerely reformist Catholics and opportunistic
business and professionals, were shocked when Fox appointed a
leftish, scholar-journalist albeit the son of a former foreign
minister to the Chancellor post. Since the fall of the USSR,
however, Jorge Castaneda, an ex commy intellectual, had also
gained respect and renown from prestigious establishment circles.
In office, he became not just conservative,
but downright obsequious toward Washington. He justified his
servility by explaining that in the globalized and uni-polar
power world Mexico had to change its traditional and meaningless
charade of independence and bargain with the great master as
a subservient nation. By doing this, he argued, he could get
Washington to agree to sign a treaty legalizing the 3 plus million
Mexicans who live in the United States without the protection
of green cards or other legal papers.
He failed. The lesson: the White House
flatulates in the face of butt-kissers. In Castaneda's case,
Bush, citing post 9/11 security reasons, refused to legalize
the Mexicans inside the US, thus crowning two years of working
in vain toward one major goal. Castaneda resigned. He knew from
his mastery of Washington politics that going against Bush's
wish on Iraq at the UN meant certain defeat for an immigration
plan.
In Washington, high officials expressed
genuine disappointment over Castaneda's departure. In Havana
the opposite emotion prevailed. Indeed, the Cubans had accused
Castaneda of acting as Washington's agent in pursuing Cold War
policies against the island. In February 2001, after a year of
Castaneda's openly provocative anti-Castro remarks, Fox traveled
visit to Havana to celebrate the centennial of Mexican-Cuban
relations. Castaneda's behavior infuriated Castro. Just as US
Members of Congress cover their asses by meeting with dissidents
after conferring with Castro, Castaneda arranged for Fox to meet
these "dissidents." Then in the Spring of 2001, Castaneda
broke another Mexican tradition when, instead of abstaining,
he ordered Mexico's representative to condemn Cuba for human
rights violations at the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva.
Cuban officials were not alone in reminding the world that Mexico's
human rights record could hardly withstand scrutiny, especially
in light of its persecution and often murder -- of its own dissidents
and the continued maintenance of a 60,000 strong army of occupation
in Chiapas.
Castaneda shrugged of such criticism
and in March 2002, further alienated Cuban officials. He became
the showpiece as the Miami inauguration of a <Mexican-U.S>.
cultural office. Speaking before the most rabid anti-Castro Cubans,
he asserted the "doors of Mexico's Havana embassy"
would be open to dissenters. Within hours, these words landed
in Cuba, thanks to Radio Marti, the broadcast financed by the
US government.
Predictably, a group of malcontents hijacked
a public bus and ran it through the gates of the Mexican Embassy.
Mexico's Ambassador, Ricardo Pascoe, was furious and demanded
that Castaneda agree to allow Cuban police to remove the gate-crashers,
who were partying at the Embassy. Castaneda had to agree and
Cuban authorities arrested the invaders.
Castaneda's hatred for Castro had become
public knowledge by this time. For those who had read his book,
Utopia Unarmed, this came as no surprise. The age of armed insurrection
was over, he asserted, just before the Zapatista uprising occurred.
The Cuban revolution is not only out of date, but hopelessly
flawed, the book argued. But what shocked even Castaneda's admirers
was the crudity of the tactics he used against Fidel, who, arguably,
has proven himself in the last 44 years, the cleverest of all
Latin American leaders.
In March, 2002, Mexico hosted the UN
International Conference on Financing for Development in the
industrial city of Monterrey. Castaneda had convinced President
Fox to bow to a US demand: Bush would attend the conference if
Mexico could assure him that Castro would not be present at the
same time. So, instead of telling Washington to go shove it,
Fox phoned Fidel and asked him to leave before W landed in Monterrey.
Fidel, seething at this insult, planned his revenge. Upon returning
to Cuba, after mysteriously announcing that he had to leave Mexico,
he made public the phone conversation in which Fox had asked
him to leave early so that the more important Bush would come.
Fox was humiliated. His subservience
to Washington caused him deep embarrassment. The media saw Castaneda's
hand in this fiasco and whatever hopes he had cultivated for
a presidential run were dashed. Fidel proved a better hardball
player than the academic Jorge. Castaneda maintained his policies
to the end, welcoming Osvaldo Paya, a Cuban dissident, to Mexico
in January.
How ironic that the Princeton and Sorbonne
educated Castaneda, who had adored the Cuban revolution and even
supposedly aspired to become a Che type guerrillero in Central
America in the early 1980s would see his career and reputation
fall at the hands of the revolutionary master himself.
Jorge Castaneda had plans not only for
himself as President but for Mexico, whose economic growth would
give it the status it deserved as a real player in the world.
Without him, Fox's Cabinet lacks any distinguished intellects.
The new Foreign Minister, Luis Ernesto Derbez served for some
15 years as a World Bank official in Asia. Under Presidents Salinas
and Zedillo (1988-2000) he supported NAFTA. Of late, he has criticized
the trade treaty for its failure to help Mexico.
Derbez might soon find himself involved
in a campaign financing scandal, an issue that will limit his
power to do anything out of the ordinary. Fox will govern with
a "pure" business Cabinet representing the largest
and most powerful interests of the Mexican rich a kind of lesser
parallel to the Bush government.
In his first two years as President,
Fox has accomplished little to help Mexico deal with its growing
poverty, declining environmental health. His policies have fostered
the disappearance of Mexican agriculture. His growth plan has
evaporated as the maquilas, the intended engine of development,
have begun to move to China, a cheaper labor market. With Castaneda
gone, Fox loses whatever vision existed inside his governing
group. This might not be all that bad, considering the kind of
twisted and subservient vision Castaneda had developed.
Saul Landau
teaches at Cal Poly Pomona University and is a fellow at the
Institute for Policy Studies. His new film, IRAQ: VOICES FROM
THE STREETS, is available through The Cinema Guild. 1-800-723-5522.
He can be reached at: landau@counterpunch.org
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