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Today's
Stories
February 20 / 22, 2004
Ghada Karmi
Sharon is not the Problem
February 19, 2004
Cecilie Surasky
Anti-Semitism
at the World Social Forum? That's Not What I Saw
Ray McGovern
Iraq
Hawks and Deceptive Intelligence: Did They Really Think They'd
Get Away With It?
Tariq Ali
How Far
Will Bush Go in Iraq?
Ralph Nader
Whither
the Nation?
Wayne Madsen
Would Kerry Purge the Neo-Cons?
Norman Solomon
The Collapse of Dean's Cyber-Bubble
Christopher Brauchli
Cheney, Halliburton and the NYT
Mike Whitney
Bush's Iraq Strategy: "I Hope They Kill Each Other"
Lewis Carroll
Bush the Mighty Helmsman from Yale
Website of the Day
Sex Toy Horoscope

February 18, 2004
William Wilgus
Bush:
AWOL and Dereliction of Duty
William Blum
Mush-Minded
Liberals
Dave Lindorff
Bush's China Syndrome
Greg Weiher
Why
is Kerry Getting a Pass?
Mike Griffin
Killing the Messenger: the AFL-CIO's Attack on Harry Kelber
Mark Hand
Kerry Tells Peace Movement to "Move On"
February 17, 2004
Mike Ferner
The
Countryside Murders in Iraq
Mokhiber / Weissman
Corporation
as Psychopath
Marjorie Cohn
DrakeGate:
a Victory for Free Speech
Kurt Nimmo
Bush's
Endgame: a Review of Chalmers Johnson's "Sorrows of Empire"
Greg Bates
Nader Ambush: a New Low for The
Nation
Ximena Ortiz
A Bush
Doctrine, of Sorts
Gary Leupp
Whatever Happened to Gen. Khazraji?
Sen. John Kerry
"The Cause of Israel is the Cause of America"
Steve Perry
Kerry
1, Drudge 0
February 16, 2004
James Johnston
Huddling
with the Cheeseheads in a NASCAR World
Sara Eltantawi
To
Wear the Hijab or Not
Bruce Anderson
Kevin
Cooper and the Midnight Needle
Elaine Cassel
Feds
on Campus: the Drake Subpoenas
Rahul Mahajan
Bush,
Is the Tide Finally Turning?
Kevin Cooper
The Ritual of Death
Stan Cox
Goodbye, Howard Dean
Larry David
My War
Steve Perry
Bush and the Guard: the Cover-Up's the Thing
Website of the Day
Prison Patriots: Help This Vital Film Get Made
February 14/15, 2004
Alexander Cockburn
Milk Bars, Hollywood and the
March of Empires
Jeffrey St. Clair
Oil Grab in the Arctic
William A. Cook
Faith-Based Fanatics
Stan Goff
Beloved
Haiti
Dave Marsh / Lee Ballinger
Rock, Rap & the Election
Hughes / Weiher
Tupac, the Patriot Act and Me
Michael Colby
Bush v. Kerry: the Power Elite's Dream Ballot
Mickey Z.
Michael Moore's Lesser Party: the General and the Lieutenant
Josh Frank
Dean's Demise No Big Loss for the Left
Peter Wolson
The Politics of Narcissism
William James Martin
Clean Break with the Road Map
Daniel Estulin
Religious Extremism in Africa
Standard Schaefer
The Privatization of Culture: an Interview with Michael Hudson
Dave Zirin
Maurice Clarett Gets Off the Plantation
Tracy McLellan
Oprah's Birthday Greedfest
Poets' Basement
Holt, LaMorticella, Guthrie, Subiet and Albert
Website of the Weekend
Progressives Scorecard: Where Do the Dems Rank on the Issues
That Matter?
February 13, 2004
Alan Maass
Kevin
Cooper's Fight to Live
Karyn Strickler
McCarthyism in the Sierra Club
Annie Higgins
On
a Street in America
Adam Federman
Democratic Snipers Target Nader
Mike Whitney
George W. Faces the Nation
Brian Cloughley
Our Imperial Leader Has Spoken
Website of the Day
Lying Action Figure Doll
February 12, 2004
Ray McGovern
George
Tenet's Spin Cycle
Robert Jensen
Bush's
Nuclear Hypocrisy
Saul Landau
Elegy to the Salton Sea
February
11, 2004
Cockburn
/ St. Clair
Hail, Kerry: Senator Facing-Both-Ways
Steve Perry
Bush
v. Bush?
February
10, 2004
Kurt
Nimmo
Inquisition in Iowa
Ron Jacobs
Politics and the Beatles: Don't
You Know You Can Count Me Out (In)
Elizabeth
Schulte
The Many Faces of John Kerry
Mickey
Z
Meet the Oxmans: "The Rich
Shouldn't Sleep at Night Either"

February
9, 2004
Michael
Donnelly
Will Skull and Bones Really Change
CEOs? Inside John Kerry's Closet
Chris Floyd
Smells Like Team Spirit: the Bush
B-Boys Replay Their Greatest Hits
Bill
Christison
What's Wrong with the CIA?
Dr. Susan
Block
Janet Jackson's Mammary Moment:
Boob Tube Super Bowl
February
7/8, 2004
Kathleen
Christison
Offending Valerie: Dealing with
Jewish Self-Absorption
Jeff Ballinger
No Sweat Shopping
Dave
Lindorff
Spray and Pray in Iraq: a Marine
in Transit
Alexander
Cockburn
McNamara: the Sequel
February
6, 2004
Ron
Jacobs
Are the Kurds in the Way?
Joanne
Mariner
Anita Bryant's Legacy
Saul
Landau
Happiness and Botox
Kurt Nimmo
Horror Non-fiction: A How-To Guide
from Perle and Frum
Niranjan
Ramakrishnan
The Real Intelligence Failure:
Our Own

February
5, 2004
Benjamin
Shepard
Turning NYC into a Patriot Act Free
Zone
Khury
Petersen-Smith
A Report from Occupied Iraq: "We Don't Want Army USA"
Mokhiber
/ Weissman
The 10 Worst Corporations of 2003
Teresa
Josette
The Exeuctioner's Pslam? Christian Nation? Yeah, Right
David Krieger
Why Dr. King's Message on Vietnam is Relevant to Iraq
Christopher
Brauchli
Monkey Business: Of Recess and Evolution in Georgia Schools
Norman
Solomon
The Deadly Lies of Reliable Sources
Cockburn
/ St. Clair
Presenting President Edwards!

February
4, 2004
Brian
McKinlay
Bush's Australian Deputy: Howard's
Last Round Up?
Mark
Gaffney
Ariel Sharon's Favorite Senator: Ron Wyden and Israel
Judith
Brown
Palestine and the Media
Frederick
B. Hudson
Moseley-Braun and the Butcher: Campaign for Justice or Big Oil's
Junta?
Kurt Nimmo
Bush's Independent Commission: Exonerating
the Spooks
M.
Junaid Alam
Philly School Workers Fight for Fair Contract
Fran Shor
Whose Boob Tube?
Kevin
Cooper
This is Not My Execution and I Will Not Claim It

February
3, 2004
Alan
Maass
The
Dems' New Mantra: What They Really Mean by "Electability"
Nick
Halfinger
How the Other Half Lives: Embedded
in Iraq
Rahul
Mahajan
Our True Intelligence Failure
Neve Gordon
The Only Democracy in the Middle East?
Laura
Carlsen
Mexico: Two Anniversaries; Two Futures
Terry
Lodge
An Open Letter to Michael Powell from the Boobs & Body Parts
Fairness Campaign
Hammond
Guthrie
Investigating the Meaningless
Website
of the Day
Waging Peace
February
2, 2004
Gary
Leupp
The Buddhist Nun in Tom Ridge's Jail
Justin
E.H. Smith
The Manners of Their Deaths: Capital Punishment in a Smoke-Free
Environment
Tom
Wright
The Prosecution of Captain Yee
Winslow
Wheeler
Inside the Bush Defense Budget
Lee Ballinger
Janet Jackson's Naked Truth
Leonard
Pitts, Jr
For Blacks, the Game of Justice is
Rigged
Jeffrey
St. Clair
The Hollow Candidate:
The Trouble with Howard Dean
Website
of the Day
Resistance:
In the Eye of the American Hegemon
Jan. 31 / Feb 1, 2004
Paul
de Rooij
For Whom the Death Tolls: Deliberate
Undercounting of Coalition Fatalities
Bernard
Chazelle
Bush's Desolate Imperium
Jack
Heyman
Bushfires on the Docks
Christopher
Reed
Broken Ballots
Michael
Donnelly
An Urgent Plea to Progressives: Don't Give in to Fear
Rob Eshelman
The Subtle War
Lee
Sustar
Palestine and the Anti-War Movement
George
Bisharat
Right of Return
Ray
McGovern
Nothing to Preempt
Brian Cloughley
Enron's Beady-Eyed Sharks
Conn
Hallinan
Nepal, Bush & Real WMDs
Kurt Nimmo
The Murderous Lies of the Neo-Cons
Phillip
Cryan
Media at the Monterrey Summit
Christopher
Brauchli
A Speech for Those Who Don't Read
John
Holt
War in the Great White North
Mickey
Z.
Clueless in America: When Mikey Met Wesley
Mark
Scaramella
The High Cost of Throwing Away the Key
Tariq Ali
Farewell, Munif
Ben
Tripp
Waiter! The Reality Check, Please
Poets'
Basement
LaMorticella, Guthrie, Thomas and Albert
January 30, 2004
Saul
Landau
Cuba High on Neo-Con Hit List
Michael
Donnelly
Bush's Second Front: The War in
the Woods
Elaine
Cassel
Worse Than Jacko: Child Abuse at Gitmo
David Vest
More Halliburton News, Brought to You by Halliburton
Mike
Whitney
The Kay Report: Still Defending Aggression
David
Miller
The Hutton Whitewash
Sam
Husseini
How Many People Must Die Because of This "Mistake",
Senator Kerry?
January 29, 2004
Patricia
Nelson Limerick
John Ehrlichman, Environmentalist
Ron
Jacobs
Homeland Security and "Legalized"
Immigration
Rahul Mahajan
New Hampshire v. Iraq
Greg
Weiher
Bush Calls for Preemptive Strike on
Moon and Mars
Norman
Solomon
The State of the Media Union
Cockburn
/ St. Clair
Does NH Mean Anything?
January
28, 2004
Kathy
Kelly
Bearing Witness Against Teachers of
Torture and Assassination



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Weekend
Edition
February 20 / 22, 2004
US Presidential Elections
An
Opportunity for Debate on Nuclear Weapons
By DAVID KRIEGER
In the post 9/11 world there has been strong concern
about nuclear weapons falling into the hands of terrorists or
"rogue" states. The pretext for the initiation of
the US war against Iraq was the concern that Iraqi weapons of
mass destruction, including a suspected program to develop
nuclear weapons, posed an "imminent threat" to the
United States. While it turned out that Iraq had neither such
weapons nor programs, the United States continues to maintain
a large nuclear arsenal as a matter of long-standing national
policy. Whether US nuclear weapons policies serve to promote
prospects for world peace and national security, or conversely
to undermine them, is a question that begs for serious public
debate.
US nuclear weapons policy should be a
subject of concern to every American. Yet there exists some
kind of taboo that prevents the subject from being debated in
public forums, in the media, or in Congress. The US presidential
elections provide an important opportunity for national discussion
and debate on this issue. With the US nuclear arsenal of some
10,000 nuclear weapons, along with policies to research more
usable nuclear weapons while ignoring international obligations
for nuclear disarmament, there are critical issues that require
public attention and informed debate.
Throughout the Cold War, the US and USSR
built up their nuclear forces so that each threatened massive
retaliation in a standoff of mutually assured destruction. This
was a high-risk strategy. In the event of an accident, miscalculation
or miscommunication, the world could have been engulfed in an
omnicidal conflagration. While today the US and Russia are on
friendly terms, each continues to base its nuclear policy, in
major part, on the potential threat posed by the other.
Despite the enormous changes in the world
in the aftermath of the Cold War, there has not been a serious
public debate in the United States about nuclear weapons policy
that takes into account changes in the global security environment.
To the extent that there has been consideration of nuclear
weapons policy, it has been almost entirely about preventing
the proliferation of nuclear weapons to other states and to
non-state actors, with virtually no consideration of how US
nuclear policy affects US and global security.
Current US Nuclear
Weapons Policy
The debate about the role of US nuclear
weapons has been almost non-existent, and yet US nuclear policy
affects the security of every person on the planet, including,
of course, every American. Current US nuclear weapons policy,
under the Bush administration, sends a message to other states
that the US intends to rely upon nuclear weapons for the indefinite
future.
The major outlines of current US nuclear
weapons policy are as follows:
. The US continues to rely upon its nuclear
arsenal to threaten retaliation against a nuclear attack, and
has extended this threat of nuclear retaliation to chemical
and biological weapons attacks or threats on the US, as well
as its troops or allies, wherever they are located in the world.
. Despite previous promises not to use
nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapons states, the US has
developed contingency plans to use nuclear weapons against five
non-nuclear weapon states: Iraq, Iran, North Korea, Syria and
Libya. (It is possible, but still not certain, that North Korea
has now developed a small nuclear arsenal.)
. The US has withdrawn from the Anti-Ballistic
Missile (ABM) Treaty, in order to develop missile defenses,
making way for the development of space weapons, despite promising
to preserve and strengthen this treaty.
. The US has not ratified the Comprehensive
Test Ban Treaty, despite making commitments to do so. While
it still adheres to the nuclear testing moratorium, except for
sub-critical tests and computer simulations, it has allocated
funds to reduce the time needed to ready the Nevada Test Site
to resume testing.
. The US has entered into the Strategic
Offensive Reductions Treaty (SORT) with the Russians to reduce
the deployed long-range nuclear weapons on each side to between
1,700 and 2,200 by the year 2012, but has failed to make these
reductions irreversible in accord with the consensus agreement
at the 2000 Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference. Additionally,
the treaty terminates in 2012 unless extended. Despite this
agreement, each side continues to keep some 2,250 nuclear weapons
on hair-trigger alert, poised to attack the other at a moment's
notice.
. The US has ended a decade-long Congressional
ban on research and development of nuclear weapons under 5 kilotons
(mini-nukes), and allocated funds to perform research on the
development of such weapons, increasing the likelihood of use
of nuclear weapons and blurring the distinction between conventional
and nuclear weapons.
. The US has allocated funds for researching
more powerful Robust Nuclear Earth Penetrator weapons, another
way of making nuclear weapons more usable and therefore more
likely to be used.
. The US has allocated funds to create
a facility to produce some 450 plutonium pits annually that
could only be used for new nuclear weapons. This suggests to
other nations that the US is planning to further develop new
nuclear weapons and to possess and rely upon nuclear weapons
for the indefinite future.
. The US has not adhered to the 13 Practical
Steps for Nuclear Disarmament agreed to in the year 2000 by
the states that are parties to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty, including the five declared nuclear weapon states.
. The US has not challenged the reliance
on nuclear weapons by our allies, including Israel, UK and France,
and has made no attempt to provide leadership for broad-based
nuclear disarmament.
In sum, the current US approach to nuclear
weapons is to rely upon them for extended deterrence, to research
more usable weapons, to indicate that its reliance on these
weapons is long-term, to violate treaty agreements, to unilaterally
reverse previous commitments, and to fail to provide leadership
toward significant and irreversible reductions in nuclear arms.
In a post Cold War environment, with the United States wielding
overwhelming military superiority, there is concern in many
parts of the world that the United States could succumb to what
has been referred to by Richard Falk, a leading international
law professor, as the "Hiroshima Temptation," to use
nuclear weapons against a far weaker enemy without fear of
meaningful response.
US nuclear weapons policy under the Bush
administration appears to be rooted in a "do as I say,
not as I do" approach. This raises two important questions:
Does this policy make the US more secure? Is this a policy that
the American people would support if they understood it? I
believe the answer to both these questions is No.
A third question arises. Is it possible
that members of the public could raise the issue of US nuclear
weapons policy and stimulate a real debate on the current course
of the country in this year's presidential elections? It is
of utmost importance that the American people recognize the
importance of these issues and raise them with the presidential
and congressional candidates, forcing these issues into the
public arena.
Considerations to
Guide US Nuclear Weapons Policy
In the post-Cold War and post-9/11 world
there are important considerations that should guide US policy
on nuclear arms. These include:
. Nuclear weapons cannot be used against
another country with nuclear weapons without facing retaliation
unless a country can deliver a devastating first-strike (preventive)
attack that would be calculated likely wrongly to destroy nearly
all of the other side's retaliatory force (the remainder would
be calculated likely wrongly to be stopped with missile defenses
or to be "acceptable losses"). Such a first-strike
attack would potentially kill tens of millions of innocent people,
be highly immoral and unlikely to be successful.
. The use of nuclear weapons in a first-strike
(preventive) attack against a country without nuclear weapons
would be both immoral and illegal under international law.
. The only possible justification for
nuclear weapons is their role as a deterrent. But, so long as
nuclear weapons threaten other nuclear weapon states, the threatening
nation will in turn be threatened, even if it possesses so-called
missile defenses.
. The greater the number of nuclear weapons
that exist in the world, the more likely that one or more of
these weapons will fall into the hands of non-state extremists
that could not be deterred from their use.
. Russia can no longer be considered
an adversary of the United States, and this creates an ideal
opportunity to negotiate with them far greater reductions in
nuclear arms and to make these reductions irreversible.
. China can no longer be considered an
adversary of the United States (in fact, it is a major trading
partner), and US nuclear weapons policy should not provoke China
to further develop its current minimal deterrent force. However,
US development and deployment of missile defenses is causing
China to increase its deterrence capability.
. By branding nations as part of an "Axis
of Evil" and by demonstrating willingness to engage in
preventive warfare against Iraq, the US provides incentives
to other countries, such as North Korea, to develop nuclear
deterrent forces.
. The greatest threat to US security
arises from the possibility of extremists getting their hands
on nuclear weapons and using them against a US city. The best
way to prevent this possibility is to reduce nuclear weapons
globally to a low number and assure that the remaining weapons
are kept under strict control, preferably international control.
It would also be necessary to establish a global inventory of
weapons-grade fissile materials and the facilities capable of
producing these materials and to place these under strict international
control. The only way for this to happen is for the US to take
leadership in promoting this course of action. The US would
also have to provide additional funds to help assure the dismantlement
and control of the aging Russian nuclear arsenal.
. India and Pakistan, relatively recent
additions to the nuclear weapons club, have indicated that they
are willing to eliminate their nuclear arsenals, but not unless
all other countries will do so as well. They are not willing
to live in a world of nuclear apartheid, further demonstrating
that the effort to achieve nuclear disarmament requires US
leadership.
. The widely recognized possession of
nuclear weapons by Israel is provocative to other countries
in the Middle East. Only the United States, due to the large
amount of military aid it provides to Israel, can pressure Israel
to forego its nuclear weapons and move forward with peace negotiations
to resolve the ongoing conflict with the Palestinians.
. North Korea has indicated that it is
willing to dismantle its nuclear arsenal and rejoin the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty if it is given security assurances
by the US and economic aid. This seems like a solid basis on
which to establish an agreement that would benefit both North
Korea and the international community.
Given these considerations and the extent
to which current US policy does not reflect them, there needs
to be broad public discussion of these issues. This should include,
and perhaps be led by, a debate among presidential candidates
on the direction of US nuclear policy. The American people
should demand that the candidates for the presidency of the
United States address these most important security issues facing
our country that will affect the future of all Americans.
A Responsible US Nuclear
Weapons Policy
A responsible US nuclear policy should
include the following:
1. Removing all US nuclear weapons from
hair-trigger alert, in conjunction with similar initiatives
from Russia.
2. Ratifying the Comprehensive Test Ban
Treaty and supporting a Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty that
would place all weapons-grade nuclear materials in all countries
under strict and effective international control.
3. Reinstituting US Negative Security
Assurances not to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapon
states.
4. Pledging No First Use of nuclear weapons
and making this legally binding.
5. Making all reductions in nuclear armaments
irreversible through treaty agreements and verified inspection
procedures.
6. Putting the development of missile
defenses and space weaponization on hold while negotiating for
the elimination of nuclear weapons under strict and effective
international control.
7. Fulfilling US obligations under the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty for "a cessation of the
nuclear arms race at an early date" by ceasing to perform
research on developing new nuclear weapons.
8. Fulfilling further US obligations
under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty "to pursue negotiations
in good faith on ... nuclear disarmament" by adhering to
the agreed upon 13 Practical Steps for Nuclear Disarmament,
including "an unequivocal undertaking by the nuclear weapon
states to accomplish the total elimination of their nuclear
arsenals." The US should convene a meeting of all nuclear
weapon states, declared and undeclared, to agree upon a treaty
for the phased elimination of nuclear weapons.
Without such changes in US nuclear policy,
it is likely that nuclear weapons will again be used by accident
or design, including finding their way into the hands of extremists
who will not hesitate to use them as a statement of rage against
the US or other countries. Additionally, serious US efforts
to achieve both regional and global prohibitions on weapons
of mass destruction, nuclear and otherwise, will aid the country
in resuming the leadership role that it has lost in recent years
due to policies of unilateralism, exceptionalism and belligerence,
policies reflective of double standards in both law and morality.
Each of us has a role to play in bringing
these policy issues into the US presidential and congressional
debates. Candidates should be asked to speak to his or her plan
to reduce the security dangers that nuclear weapons continue
to pose to the US and all humanity, indeed to all life on earth.
David Krieger
is president of the Nuclear
Age Peace Foundation. He can be contacted at dkrieger@napf.org.
Weekend
Edition Features for February 14 / 15, 2004
Alexander Cockburn
Milk Bars, Hollywood and the
March of Empires
Jeffrey St. Clair
Oil Grab in the Arctic
William A. Cook
Faith-Based Fanatics
Stan Goff
Beloved
Haiti
Dave Marsh / Lee Ballinger
Rock, Rap & the Election
Hughes / Weiher
Tupac, the Patriot Act and Me
Michael Colby
Bush v. Kerry: the Power Elite's Dream Ballot
Mickey Z.
Michael Moore's Lesser Party: the General and the Lieutenant
Josh Frank
Dean's Demise No Big Loss for the Left
Peter Wolson
The Politics of Narcissism
William James Martin
Clean Break with the Road Map
Daniel Estulin
Religious Extremism in Africa
Standard Schaefer
The Privatization of Culture: an Interview with Michael Hudson
Dave Zirin
Maurice Clarett Gets Off the Plantation
Tracy McLellan
Oprah's Birthday Greedfest
Poets' Basement
Holt, LaMorticella, Guthrie, Subiet and Albert
Website of the Weekend
Progressives Scorecard: Where Do the Dems Rank on the Issues
That Matter?
Keep CounterPunch Alive:
Make
a Tax-Deductible Donation Today Online!
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