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Recent
Stories
April
15, 2003
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April
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April 16,
2003
India's
Middle Path Through Iraq War
A Devious Route
to the Bush Camp
by
NINAN KOSHY
India's political leaders' responses to the U.S.-led
war in Iraq are notable for what they say about the country's
willingness to sacrifice traditional concerns regarding nonalignment
and international law for the opportunity to raise its profile
and power on the world stage. They have, in all but words, chosen
to side with empire.
A Middle Path
Neither supporting the United States
nor openly criticizing it for its aggression against Iraq, India's
government has taken what it calls the "middle path,"
an indirect route to the U.S. post-war camp. But the policy is
based on a misguided perception of strategic and economic interests,
which is shaped by Indian authorities' obsession with what they
view as "Pakistan-sponsored terrorism."
For its part, the United States would
have liked to have received India's support in the war against
Iraq, but it recognizes that the middle path in effect endorses
the U.S position. On the eve of the war, U.S. Ambassador to India
Robert Blackwell claimed in a statement that the U.S. and Indian
positions were the same.
Even after the United States defied the
UN, international laws, and the international community with
its massive military campaign against Iraq, the Indian government
stuck to the middle path. The government of Prime Minister Shri
Atal Bijari Vajpayee rejected opposition demands for a parliamentary
resolution on the crisis. The prime minister scrupulously avoided
mentioning the name of the United States in any of the war-related
statements made inside or outside the Parliament. Advocates of
the middle path claimed that through it the Indian government
was gaining space to defend its long-term interests in Iraq and
the Persian Gulf.
India did not even support the position
the 114-member-nation Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) adopted at its
recent summit in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, in which Vajpayee had
participated. The NAM, endorsing the concerns expressed by "millions
in our countries as well as in other parts of the world,"
affirmed that it "rejected war" and declared "the
war against Iraq would be a destabilizing factor for the whole
world with far-reaching political and economic consequences."
Meanwhile, the prime minister took advantage of the summit to
lecture Iraqi President Saddam Hussein on the need to disarm
and spoke not a word of criticism against those who--in violation
of the UN Charter--were resorting to the threat of force to carry
out their will.
During a visit with Ali Akbar Veliyati,
the special envoy of Iranian President Mohammed Khatami on March
23, three days after the war had started, members of the Indian
government made it clear that India was not willing to take any
initiative on Iraq, through NAM or otherwise, that could jeopardize
its ties with the United States. By making the fear of U.S. displeasure
the operative factor in dealing with the most critical international
issue of our times, India has totally abandoned principles. The
threat posed by the war on Iraq to the integrity of the international
legal order established at the end of World War II is apparently
of no concern to the rulers in New Delhi.
The Centrality of
Kashmir
It appears that the Indian foreign policy
establishment looks at the world solely through a prism of Kashmir
terrorism made in Pakistan. "India seems to be drawing a
link between American support for its position on Pakistan and
Kashmir with its statements on the ongoing military invasion
of Iraq," wrote Amit Baruah in the national daily The Hindu
on March 28. "India seems to be drawing connections between
what the U.S. says on India-Pakistan-Kashmir issues and India's
formulation on the Iraqi issue. The message coming from official
circles is that India's concerns in the immediate neighborhood
are far more important than simply sticking to principles as
far as the war on Iraq is concerned."
In fact, Vajpayee had given this message
unambiguously to the All-Party Meeting on March 22. "We
should be careful that neither our internal debate nor our external
actions deflect our attention, or those of the world, away from
the real source of terrorism in our neighborhood," he said.
India is Washington's closet strategic
ally in the region. It is not known what assistance India has
given to the United States in the war. There are reports that
permission has been granted to use Indian airspace for the flights
of U.S. military aircraft from Diego Garcia Navy Support Facility
in the Indian Ocean to the Gulf region. It is also likely that
several U.S. naval vessels engaged in joint patrols with the
Indian navy in the Indian Ocean have gone to join the fleet in
the Gulf region. One of Washington's most senior Army officers
visited New Delhi in the beginning of February and had discussions
with the chiefs of the Indian army and navy. Indian officials
did not provide any details about the visit by U.S. Army Chief
of Staff General Eric Shinseki, though they hinted that the issue
of Kashmir had topped the agenda. The timing of the meeting,
six weeks prior to a war anticipated by the United States, raises
questions.
A Rising India
It was not without significance that
on March 26, the very day the UN Security Council was discussing
the U.S. attack on Iraq, Christina Rocca, U.S. assistant secretary
of State for South Asia, in her testimony before the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee hailed India as a "rising global power"
and said the United States was expanding security cooperation
with New Delhi through military exercises. The middle path, it
was evident, was within the framework of the role assigned to
India.
The Indian leadership hopes that in the
new world order being fashioned by the military might of the
United States, which will transform institutions such as the
UN and NATO as well as strategic and nuclear orders, it will
have a more prominent place than at present, and for that it
is important to be on the winning side. There is no apology in
New Delhi for the replacement of principles with pragmatism.
But is there a middle path between war
and peace, between occupation and freedom, between foreign military-established
rule and sovereignty of a nation? The misguided policymakers
in New Delhi want us to believe there is. The people of Iraq
know better: There is none. It is therefore not surprising that
in trying to explain such an untenable and unethical policy,
the Indian prime minister utters inanities bordering on nonsense
only to be parroted by spokespersons and emissaries.
The middle path is a euphemism for a
Washington-approved policy that India has adopted with the clear
intent of attaining a prominent position in the new imperial
world order made in the name of the War on Terror. The United
States knows full well that India is with the empire, not against
it.
Dr. Ninan Koshy
is a political commentator based in Trivandrum, Kerala, India,
author of The War on Terror: Reordering the World (DAGA Press,
2002), and a regular analyst for Foreign
Policy in Focus. Dr. Koshy can be reached at: knkoshy@vsnl.com.
Today's
Features
Uzma
Aslam Khan
The Unbearably Grim Aftermath of War:
What America Says Does Not Go
Robert
Jensen
Self-Determination in Iraq? Then the
US Must Leave
Dr.
Susan Block
The Rape of Iraq
Ron Jacobs
Aiming at Syria: Stop Them Before They Kill Again
Robert
Fisk
The Final Sacking of Baghdad
Col. Dan
Smith
Post-War Iraq: Asking the Right Questions
Ali
Abunimah and Hussein Ibish
A Cycle of Chaos and Confrontation: Misadventures of the NeoCons
Steve
Perry
War Web Log 4/15
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