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The Democrats Bow to Bush on War: How the Anti-War Movement Failed
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Today's Stories June 8, 2007 Serge Halimi June 7, 2007 Marjorie Cohn Soldz, Reisner
and Olson: Soldz, Reisner
Paul Craig Roberts Bill Quigley Silvia Cattori Carl G. Estabrook Ellen Taylor Corporate Crime
Reporter Brenda Norrell D. K. Wilson Kevin Zeese Website of
the Day
Alain Gresh Gary Leupp Steven Sherman Bruce Dixon Corporate Crime Reporter Brian M. Downing Ron Jacobs George Bisharat Nicole Colson Bruce K. Gagnon Website of the Day
June 5, 2007 Michael Neumann Jonathan Cook David Vest Robert Fantina Hoffman, Parsneau and Chowdhury John V. Walsh Richard Cretan Adam Engel William S. Lind Myles Hoenig Jim Minick Website of
the Day
Nizar Latif Diana Johnstone Gregory Wilpert Paul Watson Susan Rosenthal,
MD Richard Ward Eva Liddell Zahi Khouri Evelyn Pringle China Hand Karyn Strickler Website of the Day
June 2 / 3, 2007 Alexander Cockburn Marc Levy Martin Smith Diana Johnstone John Ross Uri Avnery Sunsara Taylor Richard Neville P. Sainath Missy Comley
Beattie Nisrine Abiad Rannie Amiri Margot Pepper Eric Stewart Ralph Nader Dan Bacher Shaun Harkin Richard Rhames Frederick Hudson Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend
Dave Marsh Saul Landau David Phinney Robert Jensen Stanley Heller Yifat Susskind Robert Weissman Paul Buchheit William S.
Lind Sherwood Ross Stephen Lendman Website of the Day
Robert Bryce Patrick Cockburn Gary Leupp Kathy Kelly Marjorie Cohn Chris Kutalik
Corporate Crime Reporter Dave Lindorff Website of the Day
May 30, 2007 James Ridgeway Franklin Lamb Terrence E. Paupp Uri Avnery Alan Maass Rock and Rap
Confidential Ralph Nader Nirmal Ghosh Jean Daniels Tom Barry Website of the Day
Stephen Soldz Eliza Ernshire Ron Jacobs Dave Lindorff Evelyn Pringle Mike Whitney David Swanson John Holt Cynthia McKinney Martha Rosenberg Website of the Day
Bill Quigley Col. Dan Smith Cindy Sheehan Dr. Susan Block Jeeni Criscenzo Douglas Valentine Website of the Day
May 26 / 27, 2007 Alexander Cockburn Michael Donnelly Patrick Cockburn Franklin Lamb Jean Bricmont Gary Leupp James Petras William Peace Judith and John Sharpe Saul Landau Paul Craig Roberts Democracy in Iraq, Tyranny at Home? Jonathan M.
Feldman Dave Lindorff Missy Beattie Mike Whitney Badruddin Khan Ron Jacobs Zoe Blunt Arjun Chowdhury, Heather Gray N. D. Jayaprakash Joe Allen Poets' Basement Website of
the Weekend
Robert Jensen David Vest John Stauber Evelyn Pringle Corporate Crime Reporter Susan Rosenthal,
MD Roberto Rodriguez Steve Fournier Patrick McElwee Robert Weissman Website of the Day
Franklin Lamb Corporate Crime
Reporter Robert Fantina Norman Solomon Dave Lindorff Sen. Russell
Feingold Fred Gardner Mike Whitney Kevin Parsneau, Arjun Chowdhury
and Mark Hoffman Caroline Paul Eva Liddell Website of
the Day
Patrick Cockburn Rev. William
Alberts Joe DeRaymond Sudhanva Deshpande
Paul Craig Roberts Glen Ford Rannie Amiri China Hand Zoe Blunt Nivien Saleh Website of the Day
Robert Fisk Joshua Frank Harvey Wasserman David Mos Masumoto Sonja Karkar Conn Hallinan Dave Lindorff Jeffrey Kolakowski Evelyn Pringle Jim Baumer Website of the Day
Patrick Cockburn Nicole Colson John Ross Stephen Fleischman M. Shahid Alam Ron Jacobs Peter Rost, MD Alan Farago Paul Buchheit Website of
the Day
May 19 / 20, 2007 Andrew Cockburn Uri Avnery Peter Gelderloos Saul Landau Robert Fantina Fred Gardner Ralph Nader Jean Daniels Reza Fiyouzat Missy Beattie Robert Alvarez Sonja Karkar Dave Lindorff Jeff Sher Julian C. Holmes Clancy Sigal Prairie Miller James Murren Poets' Basement Website of
the Weekend
May 18, 2007 Adam Jones Sharon Smith Christopher Brauchli Peter Rost,
MD Denise Maloney Pictou David Swanson Ali Khan Susan Rosenthal,
M.D. Samer Assad CP News Service Website of the Day
May 17, 2007 Tariq Ali Yifat Susskind Dave Zirin Brian J. Foley W. John Green Eric Johnson-DeBaufre Badruddin Khan Martha Rosenberg China Hand Dan Vojir Website of the Day
Patrick Cockburn Ashley Dawson Joshua Frank Corporate Crime
Reporter Ray McGovern Glen Ford Joe Bageant Sonja Karkar Mickey S. Huff John Chuckman Kaz Dziamka Website of
the Day
May 15, 2007 Michael Neumann Patrick Cockburn Ashley Smith Marc Gardner Dave Lindorff Ben Terrall Ron Jacobs Harvey Wasserman Marcus Mabry Dr. Susan Block Website of the Day
May 14, 2007 Jennifer Roesch Jeffrey St.
Clair George Bisharat Diane Wachtell Ramzy Baroud Rosemary and
Walter Brasch Nafeez Mosaddeq Ahmed Roberto Rodriguez Jonathan Culp Website of
the Day
May 12 / 13, 2007 Alexander Cockburn Patrick Cockburn Jeffrey St. Clair Diane Farsetta Ralph Nader Jean Bricmont Marcus Breen Joe Bageant Conn Hallinan Fred Gardner Juan Santos
Eve Bachrach Missy Comley
Beattie Ron Jacobs Niranjan Ramakrishnan Susie Day Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend May 11, 2007 Patrick Cockburn Kathleen Christison Mike Ferner John Holt Laurie Hasbrook Christopher
Brauchli Margaret Kimberley Dave Lindorff Nicole Colson John V. Walsh Website of the Day
May 10, 2007 Tariq Ali Patrick Cockburn Neve Gordon Marjorie Cohn David Rosen Alan Farago John Hellman Kathy Rentenbach BANCO Richard Rhames Website of the Day
Jeff Leys Patrick Cockburn Glen Ford Paula Rothenberg Kathryn Weber John Chuckman Jordan Flaherty Dave Lindorff Stephen Lendman Website of
the Day
May 8, 2007 Dave Lindorff Patrick Cockburn Corporate Crime Reporter Ralph Nader Malini Johar Schueller Juan Santos Dave Zirin Joshua Frank Evelyn Pringle Eamonn McCann Website of the Day
May 7, 2007 Patrick Cockburn Monica Benderman Greg Moses Rannie Amiri Fitrakis / Wasserman Fred Wilhelms Ramzy Baroud Bruce K. Gagnon T. W. Croft Sonja Karkar Website of the Day
Alexander Cockburn William Blum Uri Avnery Franklin Lamb Fred Gardner Lawrence R.
Velvel Missy Beattie Robert Fantina Carla Blank Linn Washington,
Jr. Stephen F. Jackson P. Sainath Anthony Papa James T. Phillips John Ross Stephen Lendman Ben Terrall CounterPunch
Newswire Poets' Basement Website of
the Weekend
May 4, 2007 Patrick Cockburn Col. Dan Smith Norman Solomon Azmi Bishara Ron Jacobs Dave Lindorff Kevin Zeese Bob Fitrakis Janet Kauffman Website of
the Day
May 3, 2007 Jeff Halper Christopher
Brauchli Dave Zirin Corporate Crime
Reporter Robert Fisk Mike Ferner Mike Whitney Pham Binh Dave Lindorff Michael A.
Johnson Website of the Day
May 2, 2007 Saul Landau Dr. Susan Block Carla Blank Margaret Kimberly Kevin Zeese Carlos Villareal Michael Dickinson Tim Shorrock Alevtina Rea William S.
Lind Website of the Day
Andrew Cockburn Fred Gardner Chase Madar Ralph Nader John V. Walsh Joshua Frank Leslie Radford Shaun Harkin Dave Lindorff Peter Rost,
MD Peter Linebaugh Website of
the Day
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June 8, 2007 The Reinvention of France's RightwingWhat Sarkozy Learned About Politics from the US ... and From Antonio GramsciBy SERGE HALIMI The last president of France fell out of favor with his own party: his successor is a man of the right who has beaten a woman of the left. This cautionary tale may comfort Republican candidates in the United States who want to succeed President George Bush, especially if they expect to run against Democrat Hillary Clinton in November 2008. But it would be odd if the right in the US were to adopt the new French president's political strategy; that would be taking a cue from its mirror reflection. Nicolas Sarkozy's strategy was not a new and magic formula. On the contrary, he studied keenly all the political skills used in the US for the past 40 years. His themes have been national decline and moral decadence, intended to prepare voters for liberal shock treatment and a break with the past; he proposed action against leftist dogma, which he claimed had paralysed the economy and stifled public debate; he wanted to reinvent the right on the lines suggested by Antonio Gramsci, so that he can show off his multimillionaire friends, and their yachts. He has redefined the social question--it is no longer about the division between rich and poor or capital and labor, but an internecine feud between two sections of the proletariat, those who won't work and those who will; he claims to speak for the "persecuted" silent majority and wants to mobilize them. Overall, he means to take an aggressive political stand against a ruling elite that has thrown in the towel. The US right has used these tactics since the presidency of Richard Nixon and needs to learn nothing from Sarkozy, who took up the most effective arguments of recent US Republican presidents, embellishing them with references to Jean Jaurès, Léon Blum and Guy Môquet. Decline is a favourite theme. It seems natural to call for order when your own house needs to be put in order. On August 8, 1968 Nixon, the rightwing presidential candidate, began his speech accepting the Republican nomination by praising the silent majority weary of watching the US descend into chaos. Two eminent political figures, Martin Luther King and Robert Kennedy, had just been assassinated and the Tet offensive by the Communists in Vietnam meant that the US had already lost that war. Nixon called on fellow Americans to listen to "a quiet voice in the tumult of shouting. It is the voice of the great majority of Americans, the forgotten Americans, the non-shouters, the non-demonstrators. They are not racist or sick; they are not guilty of the crimes that plague the land." Sarkozy has taken advantage of the almost unprecedentedly violent riots in the French banlieues in October and November 2005 to develop his "stormy times" theme. At Charleville-Mézières in the Ardennes on December 18, 2006, he praised the France that believes in merit and hard work, is inured to suffering, and goes unmentioned because it does not complain, stop trains or set fire to cars: the France that has had enough of others speaking for it. This spring he enjoined a crowd in Marseille to rise up and express the feelings of the silent majority. Sarkozy, like Nixon, Bush and Ronald Reagan, understood that a campaign cannot win support if it is only a litany of pious hopes and boring statements of intent. So he used fighting words. The US right also made capital out of Democratic rhetoric, which became insipid in the 1950s after it abandoned the social polarization espoused by William Jennings Bryan and Franklin D Roosevelt. Harry Truman's successors did not say "win, win" but that is what they thought. Having an opponent was like having bad manners. The Democrats were so afraid
of frightening people, of being seen as really leftwing, that
they accused the Republicans of being populist and claimed for
themselves the reassuring title of conservative. As the Democratic
candidate, Adlai Stevenson, explained in October 1952: "The
strange alchemy of the time has somehow converted the Democrats
into the truly conservative party of this country--the party
dedicated to conserving all that is best, and building solidly
and safely on these foundations. The Republicans, by contrast,
are behaving like the radical party bent on dismantling institutions
which have been built solidly into our social fabric". Sarkozy, encouraged by the polarization his propositions and provocative remarks always caused, remembered that his strategy worked equally well in reverse. "We are proud to be the party of movement," he said in November 2005. "The Socialists are the conservatives now." He went on to identify the real enemy as the 1960s. Nixon and Reagan had used that gambit, but at a time closer to the events. Sarkozy claimed that the enemies were those who had said that anything goes; that authority, good manners and respect were out of fashion; that nothing was sacred, nothing admirable; that there were no rules and no standards; and that nothing was forbidden. This claim was a long way from the mechanical rallying speeches of Jacques Chirac and just as far from Ségolène Royal's compassionate, participative claptrap, her patchwork of random, forgettable propositions. Sarkozy made his mark. He claimed that the left, the true heirs of the events of May 1968 in France, had destroyed Jules Ferry's educational legacy, caused an employment crisis and let loose hatred for the family, society, state, nation and republic. He added (why stop mid-tirade?) that the left had paved the way for scavengers and speculators to triumph over honest businessmen and workers, and that it found excuses for rogues and rascals. This is an old rightwing ploy. To avoid the matter of economic interests (wise if you defend the interests of a minority), they stress values: order, respect, merit, religion. It is easier to adopt this tactic when the left refuses to say who its enemies are, if it still has any. François Hollande let slip that the Socialists might consider that the rich were to blame, which caused such uproar that he took care not to repeat the offence. Any mention of values gives conservatives a chance to sow the seeds of discord because people are usually more divided about morality and discipline than about the need to earn a good wage. However, neither in the US nor in France did the right attribute national decline to moral or cultural reasons alone: instead it claimed that specific economic policies had undermined the value of work, or the work ethic in the US. The US Democrats are accused of creating unemployment by raising taxes, the French Socialists of discouraging work and cutting wages by reducing work hours. The right does not compound the felony by waiting for chance or market forces. People often make a serious mistake about neo-liberalism. Current neo-liberal practice is not at all about allowing things to take their course. Reagan, like Bush, constantly intervened on behalf of heads of companies and of stockholders (who thought their interests synonymous with those of the nation). In 1981, the year Reagan took office, he took three important decisions: he broke the air traffic controllers' strike, dismissing 12,000 strikers and destroying their union; he froze the minimum wage, which did not increase again during his two terms of office; and he reduced the highest rate of income tax from 70% in 1981 to 28% in 1987. These measures, which were imposed by the White House and not market-driven, converged. Breaking the unions encouraged the transfer of some wealth from labor to capital, from wages to dividends. Is it really a coincidence that Sarkozy's supporters want him to provoke the unions into a trial of strength so that, like Reagan in 1981 and Margaret Thatcher facing the miners in Britain in 1984-1985, he can make a decisive break with the past? The announcement of regulations limiting the right to strike in the public service sector (transport and education) may provide early proof that Sarkozy believes the value of labor to be determined by company directors, not employees. No patience or good will The Democratic president Jimmy Carter called for "patience and good will" in January 1978, not long after he reached the White House. "There is a limit to the role and the function of government. Government cannot solve our problems, it can't set our goals, it cannot define our vision. Government cannot eliminate poverty or provide a bountiful economy or reduce inflation or save our cities or cure illiteracy or provide energy". In July 1980 Reagan, the aggressive Republican candidate, accused him of weakness, indecision, mediocrity and incompetence, and blamed him for an energy crisis and for a policy of unilateral disarmament in the face of Iran and the Soviet Union. "There may be a sailor at the helm of the ship of state, but the ship has no rudder," Reagan said. "Our problems are problems that cause pain and destroy the moral fiber of real people who should not suffer the further indignity of being told by the government that it is all somehow their fault". Reagan would never have said, as Sarkozy did, that if we want a fair society we must first have a strong state. But there is no real difference between the liberalism of the US right and Sarkozy's rhetoric. Sarkozy, like Reagan, has never hesitated to contrast his energy and leadership with his predecessors' immobility and inertia. When Sarkozy served as minister of the interior under Chirac, he said the president reminded him of Louis XVI fiddling with locksmithery at Versailles while France seethed with revolutionary discontent. The Socialists' record over matters of public concern has not been perfect. By claiming that problems were complex and needed to be dealt with at a European level, by protesting that the state cannot do everything, by blaming their own poor efforts on an electorate scarred by globalization, fatalism and resignation, they invited Sarkozy's counterattack. Sarkozy recalled Lionel Jospin saying that responsible politicians don't talk about money. Sarkozy thought that an irresponsible remark, since in every country in the world money was an instrument of economic policy. Another of Sarkozy's aggressive
homilies, much appreciated in crisis-stricken industrial areas,
drove the point home: "I don't care for politics that is
content to manage," he said. "I don't care for politics
that believe it's impossible to change anything. I don't care
for politics that pretends all's right with the world. I don't
care for politics that says we have done all we could. I don't
care for that brand of politics. I don't believe in it." Ideological warfare Sarkozy won't be able to do everything, since he mustn't upset his multimillionaire friends. He has said: "They tell us to make the rich pay, but if we make them pay too much, they'll leave." Johnny Hallyday promised that he would come back from Switzerland as soon as the government abolished death duties. As it will. Outside the presidential victory party premises on May 6, Hallyday said he knew Sarkozy would keep the promises he had made. Declaring an intention to break with the past means ideological warfare. In this, the right has never been as stupid as the left supposes; the left relies on petitions from intellectuals and artists who get nothing but contempt and indifference for their pains. Sarkozy, assured of his party's backing since 2003, constructed an ideology, like the US conservatives, that enabled him to abandon "social-democratic claptrap" and do those things that the Republican right dare not do because it was ashamed of being rightwing. Sarkozy ran this program, with the necessary adjustments, week after week. Sarkozy has said that an idea has to brew for a year or so in people's minds before a country will accept it. He had the media, the employers and the ministries behind him; he benefited from Nicolas Baverez's widely publicized theory that France was being destroyed by a policy to abolish work. He relied on the opinions in the Camdessus report, which he had commissioned; these were similar to those of Baverez but less grossly exaggerated. Baverez said that, for the lower orders, leisure meant drink, violence and delinquency. Sarkozy sarcastically drew attention to the contrast between himself and the leader of the main opposition party. What new ideas had François Hollande produced in the past four years? Two of the great campaigners
to change ideologies had found the struggle hard: the ultra-liberal
intellectual Friedrich Hayek (1899-1992), who had dared to think
the unthinkable had to wait more than 30 years for leading political
figures (Thatcher, Reagan, General Auguste Pinochet) to put his
ideas into practice; while the Italian Communist leader Antonio
Gramsci died while Mussolini was still in power. But they really
had broken with the dominant ideologies of their day, and moreover
without the media--TF1 or Le Point or Europe 1--to act
as their echo chambers. 'I agree with Gramsci' True to his habit of quoting the most unexpected sources, Sarkozy preferred to follow the Italian Communist rather than the ultra-liberal Austrian American. He said just before the election that he agreed with Gramsci that ideas were the key to power: it was the first time that a man from the right had taken that line. In 2002, two weeks before Sarkozy took up his post at the ministry of the interior, a newspaper claimed that he was making war on the poor. He had replied that either he would have to give in, in which case he would never be able to do anything, or he would have to take up the challenge by showing that security meant, above all, security for the poorest. After that he was engaged in a struggle to win the ideological war. He had regularly talked about education and condemned the legacy of 1968. He was against intellectual, cultural and moral relativism. He believed that the left attacked him violently because they knew he was right. Reagan in the 1960s had forestalled Sarkozy in preferring absolutes to compromises, unlike political pundits for whom power always means a battle for the centre ground. Reagan proposed a choice, not an echo (a phrase coined by Barry Goldwater, founding father of modern US conservatism and Republican candidate in the 1964 presidential election, which he lost). There was however a price to the risks Reagan took. As a spokesman for General Electric, he had to make hundreds of speeches praising capitalism between 1954 and 1962. He had to wait almost 15 years to rise in the Republican party and reach the White House. Once elected, he often referred emotionally to President John F Kennedy, forgetting that he had opposed Kennedy's nomination in 1960; he told Nixon that "Under the tousled boyish haircut [Kennedy's programme] is still old Karl Marx. There is nothing new in the idea of a government being Big Brother to us all. Hitler called his state socialism". Sarkozy's future choices will show whether he appreciates Jean Jaurès now as much as Reagan worshipped Kennedy then. This is a matter of sincerity. How can Sarkozy claim to have been the victim of political correctness when he has been a minister of state for four of the past five years and enjoyed the permanent support of employers and most of the media? There are US precedents. The essayist and novelist Ayn Rand wrote a high-profile article in 1961, "America's persecuted minority: big business" at a time when blacks in southern states did not even have the vote. Nixon, who was a typical product of the provincial middle class, felt despised by the Kennedy clan and by the mass media, which had been dazzled by the photogenic family of East Coast aristocrats. George Bush junior, who studied at Yale and Harvard, sees himself as a rebel, a country boy from Texas in a world of progressive snobs. Peggy Noonan, who wrote and edited Reagan's most famous speeches, summarized the rightwing fantasy of the permanent dissident in two pithy sentences in her memoirs. "People always ask me how I came from my generation and became a conservative. It's hard to pinpoint when the rebellion began." And, of the Democrats: "They had everything going for them, including $50,000 a year at the age of 32, but they still felt obscurely besieged".
That says it all. Sarkozy, who presents himself as a perennial outcast, was mayor of Neuilly, one of the richest boroughs, when he was 32. His feelings about himself may be the result of the flood of psychological jargon that threatens to engulf French politics. Just a few weeks ago he said he had been making his way since 2002 outside a system that did not want him as leader of the UMP, rejected his ideas when he was minister of the interior, and contested all his proposals. But the poor boy had triumphed. It is difficult for a candidate to present himself as the spokesman of the people when he has the employers' support and campaigns on a program that promises to slash income tax, cut or abolish death duties and reduce corporation tax. Reagan and Bush almost managed it in the US. They performed brilliantly in the Democratic strongholds of Michigan and West Virginia, hard hit by industrial crises, where their successes depended on appeals to national and patriotic feeling, to anti-communism (and later anti-terrorism), to the small taxpayer's resentment of the big tax collector. They also appealed to traditional moral values, opposition to abortion and homosexuality, and rejection of a lax legal system held to be responsible for violence and crime. Sarkozy's approach is much the same, without the explicit references to religious values; however he considers that spiritual matters have been much underestimated compared with social issues. The popular success of the right in the US and France is not attributable to electoral strategy and good spokesmen; the right has benefited from the attrition of militant workers' organizations, because of which many poorer electors now relate to politics and society in a more individual way. Talk of choice, merit and the value of work appeals to them: they want to choose schools and where to live to avoid the worst conditions; they feel they have merit and are not rewarded for it; they work hard and do not earn much more than the unemployed or immigrants. The privileges of the rich are so remote that they are not concerned about them. There is nothing new about this. In the US in the late 1960s, international competition and a fear of losing social status transformed Rooseveltian leftwing populism--optimistic, victorious, and egalitarian, with shared aspirations for a better life--into a rightwing populism that exploited electors' fear of being overtaken by those who were even poorer. That was the moment when the Republicans managed to introduce a new dividing line, not between rich and poor, capital and labor; but between people in work and people on welfare, between whites and ethnic minorities, workers and scroungers. Reagan in the 1970s used to tell an untrue story of a "welfare queen who had 80 names, 30 addresses, 12 Social Security cards" whose "tax-free income alone is over $150,000". (The Democrats do not now tell such stories for fear of accusations of fomenting class war.) By the 1980s the Republican strategy was so clear that one of its architects, Lee Atwater, described it openly. Of the National Enquirer, a scandal sheet sold in supermarkets, he said: "There are always some stories in there about some multimillionaire that has five Cadillacs and hasn't paid taxes since 1974." Atwater went on: "They'll have another set of stories of a guy sitting around in a big den with liquor, saying so-and-so fills his den with liquor using food stamps." The Republican party pounced on such stories. Sarkozy promised that he will not allow people who don't want to do anything--people who don't want to work--to live on the efforts of those who do get up early and work hard. He contrasted France's early risers with people on welfare, but left those on private incomes out of the equation. Sometimes, like his US counterparts, he added an ethnic and racial dimension, especially when there was electoral advantage to be gained. This speech at Agen on June 22, 2006 won him his best ovation: "And to those who have deliberately chosen to live on the work of others; those who think the world owes them something but they don't owe anything to anyone; those who want everything, all at once, without doing anything in return; those who won't take the trouble to earn their living but prefer to search the pages of history for an imaginary debt the country owes them but has failed to pay; those who prefer to dwell on past wrongs and demand compensation from some fictitious debtor, rather than make an effort, work, and try to integrate; those who do not love France; those who demand everything from France but give nothing in return; to them I say that they are under no obligation to remain here." Peggy Noonan underwent a fresh conversion watching the French elections. "It comes as a relief," she wrote in The Wall Street Journal on 14 May, "to admire France again." Translated by Barbara Wilson Serge Halimi is one of the editors of the excellent monthly Le Monde Diplomatique, whose English language edition can be found at mondediplo.com The full text appears by agreement with Le Monde Diplomatique. CounterPunch is featuring one or two articles from LMD a month. All rights reserved ©
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