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Today's
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June
14, 2004
John
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the Party
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Alan Dershowitz, Still Defending
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Cockburn
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Cryan
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Z.
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Nothing New Under the Israeli Sun
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Leon
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7, 2004
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Leopold
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Cockburn
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Hans
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Blum
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5 / 6, 2004
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Latham
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Zirin
The Politics of Charles Barkley
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4, 2004
Chris
Floyd
Masked and Anonymous: Inside America's
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Cornwell
/ Penketh
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Madsen
Apprehension & Frustation: Neo-Cons on the Brink
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God, the Rapture and Vera Casey
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Borowski
Woo-Wooism v. Meteorites: Why the Dems Are No Match for Bush
Mike
Griffin
Caterpillar's Assault on the UAW
Alexander Cockburn
Has Bush Gone Over the Edge?
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Aquae Urbis Romae:
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June
3, 2004
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Jacobs
Iran's Nuclear Dilemma
Dr.
Susan Block
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Donnelly
The Bully and the Brahmin
John
Chuckman
Insanity in America: US Ranks Number
One in the Deranged
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Brauchli
The Return of Cardinal Law: Rome
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Samia
Nassar Melki
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Whitney
Subverting Justice: Pre-Trial Ruminations in the Padilla Case
Diane
Rejman
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Morris
"WMDs" in Cuba
Paul
de Rooij
Palestinian Misery in Perspective
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2, 2004
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Cloughley
The Liars are Winning
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McGovern
How Far Would They Go? Beware "Credible
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Frank
The Anybody But Bush Offensive
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Whitney
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Jackie
Corr
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Robert
Jensen
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Cockburn
"Bye, Bye Boonville!"
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1, 2004
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Leupp
Instant Karma: Bush's Sins Catch Up
with Him
William
A. Cook
Manufacturers of Fear and Loathing in
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Lindorff
Will the Times Clean House?
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Zeese
Inside the Kerry / Nader Meeting: Did
the Kerry Campaign Lie About What Was Discussed?
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Levich
Coming Soon: Return of the Draft,
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Kelly
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29 / 31, 2004
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Ballinger / Dave Marsh
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Pommy Vega
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Ferner
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The Cruel Shadow: the Long History of CIA Torture Research
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White
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Anderson
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Vest
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Landau
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Kurt
Nimmo
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Cassel
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Potter
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Tripp
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Susan Block
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Kia
Kojouri
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Z
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B. Barr
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Gowans
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Gorman
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Zirin
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28, 2004
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Bill Delahunt
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June
14, 2004
Ireland's
Citizenship Vote
Hard
Right Nativism
By
JIM DAVIS
Last Friday Ireland went to the Polls
to elect local councilors, members of the European Parliament
and to decide on an amendment to the constitution which would
strip some Irish born children of their right to Irish Citizenship.
The referendum is the culmination of the state's efforts to limit
the rights of asylum seekers and refugees who have arrived on
the Island in increasing numbers during the economic boom there
over the last 10 years. The referendum was passed by a landslide
with 80% of voters approving the new restrictions in a big victory
for hard right nativism.
Initially the referendum was
proposed by the Minister For Justice, Michael McDowell, as a
way of defending Irish maternity hospitals which were, he argued,
overwhelmed by foreigners arriving to give birth within the EU.
Under the old rules where parents could claim residency rights
in the country by virtue of their children's citizenship, Ireland
was out of step with the rest of the EU, or so the argument went
until the facts got in the way. While the current right wing
coalition government has been plotting some sort of referendum
on this matter for years, Friday's vote was only announced in
March. McDowell initially argued that the Masters of the Maternity
hospitals had plead for 'something' to be done about the hordes
of pregnant refugees packing the hospitals. The doctors in question
quickly distanced themselves from such claims, realizing perhaps
they were being played in a pretty transparent electoral stunt
and statistical fraud.
Pro amendment arguments referred
to an exploding birth rate and 10% of births being to non nationals.
The common inference was that this figure was the number of frauds
flying into Dublin heavily pregnant solely to claim an Irish
passport. But as the numbers were crunched it emerged that fewer
than 1% of last years newborns actually fell into this category.
McDowell's imperative then morphed into the more abstract notion
of protecting the "integrity of Irish citizenship".
"I'm not pinning my hat on the issue of statistics from
maternity hospitals. Citizenship is important. It is not something
which is just given out as a little token, or a useful thing
to people with no connection with our State. It imposes on people
who are Irish citizens duties of loyalty and fidelity to the
nation-state." Considering that a South African (or anyone
else) with an Irish Grandmother is entitled to an Irish passport
without ever setting foot in the country, this is surely a bizarre
argument with which to go amending the constitution. It has essentially
introduced a biological qualifier into the notion of Irishness,
something that probably does put Ireland closer in line with
some of its European neighbours, at least those with blood requirements
for being part of the volk.
Most of the non nationals who
will now see their future children lose their right to citizenship
are in fact working residents of the country filling important
roles in all sectors of the economy and society. For free market
ideologues like McDowell this abundant source of cheap labour
is central to Irelands continued economic success. Yet, the amendment
will help obstruct their full integration into Irish society.
During McDowell's tenure the
states posture regarding asylum seekers has become increasingly
intransparent and difficult for applicants to navigate. In the
summer of 2003 letters were issued from his department to the
non national parents of Irish children who were at the time in
the process of applying for residency. The letters informed the
applicants that they had 15 days to make representations, subject
to 'existing legislation', explaining why they should not be
deported. Furthermore it was discovered that recipients of the
letters would have no legal aid in formulating their 'representation'.
In other words those without the resources to hire a lawyer would
represent themselves during a deportation hearing. The process
also failed to offer their citizen children any representation
during the states effort to deport their parents.
Earlier the humourously titled department of 'Justice, Equality
and Law Reform' had added a raft of amendments to Irelands refugee
law. According to the Irish Refugee Council these included "amongst
other things, the introduction of 'safe country of origin' concepts,
'superfast' processes, burden of proof requirements, tighter
time limits for lodging appeals, and extension on the length
of time that asylum seekers may be detained." The council
has pointed out also that these new conditions brought Ireland
into conflict with its obligations under the 1951 UN refugee
convention. They characterized the changes as an attempt to reframe
the states responsibility as one concerned with weeding out applicants
rather than identifying those in need of support. It is unfair
to give minister McDowell all credit though, his predecessor,
Martin O Donoghue, promised that "at least 90% of applicants
will be rejected".
None of this is to suggest
that there is not a real crisis of maternity care in Ireland.
There were up to 70 000 births recorded annually during the 1980's
yet this figure has dropped to the mid 50's in recent years.
Current problems stem from the closure of some maternity units
without any significant increase in capital investment or current
funding for those units that remain, or for the three main Maternity
hospitals based in Dublin. So a 20% drop in demand has been met
by an even greater collapse in supply. Why? The immigrants of
course.
That the referendum was sprung
on the same day as the local elections might tell us more about
the governments calculations than a study of the annual reports
of the maternity hospitals though. For several years now immigrants
and asylum seekers have been the subtle but resident whipping
boys of successive governments. Columnists across the country
have been denouncing anyone who suggested that there is even
a hint of racism to any of this. The r word has been verboten
from polite consideration of the amendment. But the reality is
that what little debate there has been around the question of
stripping some Irish children of their rights as Irish children
has been framed by the state sponsored fantasy of Nigerians overrunning
maternity wards. Indeed several stories referred to the added
crisis of foreigners suffering from syphilis, TB and malaria
invading the hospitals. But the state of the health system has
been a burning issue in the country for years, independent candidates
have been elected to the Dail (Irish Parliament) on the single
issue of being opposed to the closure of local hospitals.
What then explains the overwhelming
support of the electorate for a measure that is unnecessary,
divisive and potentially racist in the extreme? The turnout in
the election was unusually high at 60%. The government parties
were punished across the board, Fianna Fail, the largest one
doing worse than they have since the 1920s according to some
early predictions. Seen in the context of European politics the
government tactic of presenting an anti immigrant bill to the
electorate can only be seen as mainstream right wingers assuming
fascist platforms to stave off a threat from the far right -a
la the hijab ban in France. But no far right group in Ireland
has significant support on an anti immigrant agenda. The entire
impetus for the referendum has come from the governing coalition
of Fianna Fail and the Progressive Democrats, McDowells christian
democrats. The center left parties all opposed the amendment.
They included the Labour Party and Sinn Fein who both performed
very well in the local elections, SF winning seats in several
constituencies for the first time at the expense of Fianna Fail.
The greens also campaigned against the amendment though their
vote collapsed across the country. The socialists and tiny communist
party also campaigned against. Beyond the parties various activist
and NGO formations agitated against the change. But the amendment
was not a big issue in the election itself and candidates and
party platforms concentrated on other, primarily local issues
that concerned voters. Meanwhile younger activists who have been
busy on anti war and EU issues have been concentrating on mobilizing
against the visit of George Bush later in the month. Without
a vigorous campaign to counter the government propaganda stigmatizing
immigrants and asylum seekers voters have swallowed the government
explanation for the health crisis hook, line, sinker, rod and
angler by a margin of 4 to 1.
But we aren't talking about
a rump reactionary vote that can be explained away circumstantially.
This is the people of Ireland talking loud and clear. And while
there may have been no great campaign to humanise the kids who
will no longer be Irish its also a fairly simple matter of deciding
that not everyone makes the cut any longer. At the end of the
day McDowell's claims that Ireland was in some kind of anachronistic
position before the vote, allowing just about anyone who is born
in Ireland to be, well, Irish, is nonsense. Voters had been reminded
that that is the situation in Canada, the US, New Zealand, India
and in countries in Africa and South America. Like the blood-based
citizenship laws that until a few years ago made it difficult
for anyone but ethnic Germans to become citizens, the new Irish
constitutional arrangement will create two tiers in Irish society
by barricading citizenship from some of its sons and daughters.
Even worse this can be discretionary on the part of the state,
which in turn is owed "loyalty and fidelity".
Fortress Europe is not Canada,
it is more like Germany with its ethnic imperatives that polite
company no longer talks about. An Ireland where christian democrats
and cynical opportunists can appeal to the most base meanness
and greed of 80% of Irish voters with a fraud like this is shocking
and depressing, but it fits the mood and posture of the EU. To
be Irish has changed utterly.
Jim Davis is a documentary filmmaker. He can
be reached at: jamesdavisfilm@hotmail.com
Weekend Edition
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