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May
29, 2003
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May
29, 2003
Bush Nuclear Policy
Do as I Say,
Not as I Do
By MICHELLE CIARROCCA
The Bush administration has its foreign policy
hands full with each nation in its "Axis of Evil."
From the ongoing search for weapons of mass destruction in Iraq,
to the appearance of negotiations with North Korea, and the push
to declare Iran in violation of the Nuclear Nonproliferation
Treaty, President Bush is following through with his promise
to make certain these "dangerous regimes and terrorists"
can not threaten the U.S. with the world's most destructive weapons.
But he's going about it in a way that
will actually increase the nuclear threat to the U.S. and the
world.
Buried in the President's 2004 defense
budget are two particularly troubling requests. The first seeks
to repeal a 10-year-old ban on the development of smaller, lower-yield
nuclear weapons, also known as mini-nukes. The second is a $15.5
million request to conduct research on a new bunker buster bomb
called the Robust Nuclear Earth Penetrator.
The Senate voted 51 to 43 to lift the
ban on research and development of low-yield nuclear weapons.
Actual production of the weapons would require the President
to obtain congressional authorization. The House is expected
to vote on the measure this week.
Administration officials contend they
are not seeking to build new nuclear weapons, but only studying
and researching the options. Speaking at a press conference,
Defense Secretary Rumsfeld added, "Many of the things you
study, you never pursue." Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-CA),
a supporter of the ban, replied, "Does anyone really believe
that?"
The Bush administration's desire to develop
a low-yield nuclear weapon stems from the theory that a cold
war nuclear weapon is so massive and destructive the U.S. would
never actually use one. The thinking goes, a smaller, 5-kiloton
nuclear weapon--about a third the size of the nuclear bomb used
in Hiroshima--would be more useful in deterring nations such
as North Korea. But as Senator Jack Reed (D-RI) rightly noted,
"We're moving away from more than five decades of efforts
to delegitimize the use of nuclear weapons."
As for research into a new bunker-buster
nuclear weapon, the Union of Concerned Scientists released a
fact sheet outlining the "troubling science" behind
the proposed weapons. The scientists note that even a small,
low-yield earth-penetrating weapon will create radioactive debris,
there is no guarantee that the nuclear blast would successfully
destroy chemical or biological weapons, and there are current
conventional weapons that could be used as alternatives.
The Bush administration's Nuclear Posture
Review, released in January 2002, was a foreshadowing of a new
nuclear era in which the once-termed "weapon of last resort"
has turned into a usable, necessary tool in the anti-terror arsenal.
As part of the Nuclear Posture Review,
the Pentagon expanded the nuclear hit list to include a wide
range of potential adversaries, such as North Korea, Iraq, Libya,
and Syria, whether or not those nations possess nuclear weapons.
The circumstances under which the use of nuclear weapons might
be considered has also expanded beyond situations threatening
the national survival of the United States to include retaliation
for a North Korean attack on South Korea, or simply as a response
to "surprising military developments." The review also
sanctions the first use of nuclear weapons to "dissuade
adversaries from undertaking military programs or operations
that could threaten U.S. interests or those of allies and friends."
The Bush administration's nuclear doctrine
represents an abrupt departure from the policies of prior administrations,
Democratic and Republican alike. How likely are countries like
Iran, North Korea, Syria, Libya, Russia, and China--all of which
have been targeted in Bush's new nuclear plan--to heed the administration's
calls to reduce or renounce their own nuclear arsenals in the
face of this new threat from the United States?
"I can't believe that I have witnessed
in my time on Capitol Hill a more historic debate than what we
are undertaking at this moment," said Sen. Richard Durbin
(D-IL). "We are literally talking about whether or not the
United States will initiate a nuclear arms race again. Nothing
that I can think of meets this in terms of gravity and its impact
on the future of the world."
If President Bush were serious about
reducing the threat posed by nuclear weapons he would focus on
preventive measures, such as increasing funds for nonproliferation
and threat reduction programs, while also reducing our own massive
arsenal. Nonproliferation programs receive about $1.8 billion
annually. Compare that to the $41 billion budget for homeland
defense, or the $79 billion supplemental for the war in Iraq.
Representative John Spratt (D-SC) pointed out the disparity between
funding saying the almost $10 billion "ballistic missile
defense is a prime example of how the emphasis on counter-proliferation
comes at the expense of nonproliferation."
The Russian parliament recently ratified
the nuclear arms reduction treaty signed by Russian President
Putin and President Bush last year. The U.S. Senate approved
the treaty in March. The treaty reduces each nation's arsenals
of strategic nuclear weapons by two-thirds, to fewer than 2,200
each over the next decade. While the treaty is a worthy and symbolic
signal of a new relationship with Russia, much more can and should
be done.
By taking ten years to make the proposed
reductions, allowing both sides to keep thousands of their withdrawn
warheads in "reserve" rather than destroying them,
and giving either party the right to withdraw from the agreement
on just 90 days notice, the Pentagon has preserved its ability
to rapidly reverse the Bush administration's proposed reductions
in the U.S. arsenal whenever it wants to, even as it continues
to seek new types of nuclear weapons.
Deeper, verifiable cuts on both sides--to
as low as 200 to 500 strategic warheads each rather than the
1,700 to 2,200 allowed in the current proposal--would give Washington
and Moscow leverage to begin pressing nuclear-armed states like
Britain, France, China, India, Pakistan, and Israel to eliminate
their own arsenals. This move toward multilateral reductions
would also make it much easier to get states with nuclear capabilities
to agree not to aid nations like Iraq, Iran, or North Korea to
develop their own weapons of mass destruction.
Whereas Ronald Reagan left office saying
that a nuclear war can never be won and must never be fought,
two decades later, the word coming from the Bush administration
is that nuclear weapons are here to stay. The recommendations
contained in the Nuclear Posture Review and 2004 budget requests
are steps backwards, and arguably violations of U.S. commitments
to "pursue negotiations in good faith" for the reduction
and eventual abolition of nuclear weapons under the Nuclear Nonproliferation
Treaty. The only way to protect the American people, and the
people of the world, from the threat of nuclear weapons--big
and small--is to take determined steps to get rid of them, once
and for all.
Michelle Ciarrocca is a research associate at the World Policy
Institute and writes regularly for Foreign
Policy in Focus. She can be reached at: ciarrm01@newschool.edu
Today's
Features
May
28, 2003
David
Vest
DubyaCo.: It's Not So Funny Any More
Dave
Lindorff
My Grandfather's Medal
John
Stanton
America's Dying: Arts and Philosophy Hold the Key
Bernard
Weiner
A PNAC Primer
Robert
Jensen
Texas Dems Set a Standard for the Rest of the Party
Ahmad Faruqui
The Oil Business of Regime Change:
the CIA and Iran
Hammond
Guthrie
Disarming Conundrums
Steve Perry
What If There's No Such Thing as Al-Qaeda?
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