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Will the US Labor Movement Rise Again in Chicago? Or is this just a power play at the top? JoAnn Wypijewski details what's really at stake in the great showdown as some of labor's most powerful bosses threaten to quit the AFL-CIO. No-holds-barred profiles of the SIEU's Andy Stern, Hoffa of the Teamsters and the other "insurgents". Jeffrey St Clair tells the incredible saga of the $30 billion bailout of Boeing. How the scandal reached the White House and Don Rumsfeld screamed, Let the woman take the fall. Plus Alexander Cockburn on the Judy Miller story. Get the answers you're looking for in the latest subscriber-only edition of CounterPunch ... CounterPunch Online is read by millions of viewers each month! But remember, we are funded solely by the subscribers to the print edition of CounterPunch. Please support this website by buying a subscription to our newsletter, which contains fresh material you won't find anywhere else, or by making a donation for the online edition. Remember contributions are tax-deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now! or write CounterPunch, PO BOX 228, Petrolia, CA 95558 |
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Other Lands Have Dreams: From Baghdad to Pekin Prison by Kathy Kelly ![]() Today's Stories July 19, 2005 Bill
Christison July 18, 2005 Joshua
Frank M.
Shahid Alam Jude
Wanniski Ron
Jacobs Mike
Whitney William
MacDougall Seth
Sandronsky Richard
Lichtman Paul
Craig Roberts Website
of the Weekend July 15 / 17, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Jeffrey
St. Clair Paul
Craig Roberts Harry
Browne Uri
Davis, Ilan Pappe and Tamar Yaron Andrew
Rubin Patrick
Cockburn J.L.
Chestnut, Jr. Fred
Gardner Christopher
Brauchli Chris
Floyd Ben
Tripp Col.
Dan Smith Jason
Leopold Jack
Random Norman
Solomon George
Ochenski Website
of the Weekend
July 14, 2005 Jeffrey
St. Clair Subcomandante
Marcos Dave
Lindorff Joshua
Frank Jude
Wanniski Dave
Zirin Kevin
Zeese Robert
Jensen Reza
Fiyouzat Carol
Norris Website
of the Day
July 13, 2005 Brian
Cloughley George
Galloway Carlos
Fierro Sarah
Knopp Norman
Solomon Mickey
Z. Jim
Minick Pat
Williams Andrew
N. Rubin Website
of the Day
July 12, 2005 Laith
al-Saud Kara
N. Tina William
A. Cook Jack
Bratich Amina
Mire Dick
J. Reavis Kevin
Zeese Paul
Craig Roberts Website
of the Day
July 9 / 11, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Uri
Avnery Sheldon
Rampton Bill
Christison Robert
Fisk Stephen
Winspear Saul
Landau Behrooz
Ghamari Karl
Beitel Brian
Concannon, Jr. Fred
Gardner John
Whitlow Niranjan
Ramakrishnan Lila
Rajiva Laura
Carlsen Jackie
Corr Dave
Lindorff N.
D. Jayaprakash Seth
Sandronsky Norman
Madarasz Ben
Tripp Poets'
Basement Website
of the Weekend
July 8, 2005 Paul
Craig Roberts Tariq
Ali Monica
Benderman Rick
Jahnkow Christopher
Brauchli Kim
Peterson Joshua
Frank Norman
Solomon Website
of the Day
July 7, 2005 Cockburn
/ St. Clair John
Walsh Mike
Marqusee Gilad
Atzmon Nicole
Colson Jack
Random Norman
Solomon Len
Colodny Cockburn
/ St. Clair
July 6, 2005 Elaine
Cassel Sean
Donahue Jeremy
R. Hammond Joshua
Frank Ali
Khan Michael
Dickinson Norman
Solomon Dave
Zirin Gary
Leupp Website
of the Day
July 5, 2005 Behrooz
Ghamari Elaine
Cassel Ron
Jacobs Bob
Libal Dr.
Peter Rost Mark
Engler Gideon
Levy Dave
Zirin Sameer
Dossani
July 2 / 4, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Lenni
Brenner Laura
Carlsen James
Petras William
A. Cook Brian
Cloughley Saul
Landau Tom
Crumpacker Greg
Moses Dr.
Susan Block Fran
Shor Fred
Gardner Moshe
Adler David
Model Seth
Sandronsky Ramzy
Baroud Suzan
Mazur Ben
Tripp Justin
Taylor Brendan
Bailey Poets'
Basement Website
of the Weekend
July 1, 2005 Christopher
Brauchli Pat
Williams Gary
Leupp John
Stauber John
Chuckman Justicia
y Paz Cockburn
/ St. Clair
June 30, 2005 Kathy
Kelly John
Stauber Virginia
Rodino Jason
Leopold Dave
Lindorff Greg
Moses Norman
Solomon Joshua
Frank Alexander
Cockburn
June 29, 2005 Mike
Schaefer Roger
Burbach / Paul Cantor Sharon
Smith Sam
Husseini John
Stauber Ahmad
Faruqui Linda
S. Heard Stew
Albert Ray
McGovern
June 28, 2005 Paul
Craig Roberts Landau
/ Hassen John
A. Murphy Mike
Whitney CounterPunch
News Service Dave
Zirin Dave
Lindorff Patrick
Cockburn
June 27, 2005 Paul
Craig Roberts Mike
Marqusee Mark
Scaramella Leigh
Saavedra Kathy
Kelly June 25 / 26, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Jennifer
Van Bergen George
Corsetti Mark
Chmiel / Andrew Wimmer Kevin
Zeese P.
Sainath John
Stauber Scott
Handleman Tom
Barry John
Walsh Justin
E.H. Smith Alan
Wallis Ben
Tripp Frederick
B. Hudson Poets'
Basement
June 24, 2005 Ray
McGovern Jorge
Mariscal Desiree
Hellegers Zeynep
Toufe Joshua
Frank David
Lindorff Michael
Neumann Website
of the Day June 23, 2005 Christopher
Brauchli Clay
Conrad Standard
Schaefer P.
Sainath Mark
Engler Norman
Solomon Cockburn
/ St. Clair Kathy
Kelly
June 22, 2005 Kevin
Zeese William
S. Lind Arsalan
Iftikhar Dan
Nagengast David
Krieger Kathleen
& Bill Christison
June 21, 2005 Brian Cloughley Mike Whitney Dave Lindorff Mark Weisbrot Matthew R.
Simmons Dave Zirin Virginia Rodino Paul Craig
Roberts
June 20, 2005 Alan Maass Tariq Ali Mickey Z. William Blum Gary Leupp Jason Leopold Dave Lindorff Alan Maass Uri Avnery Website of
the Day
Hot Stories Alexander Cockburn Subcomandante
Marcos Norman Finkelstein Steve Niva Dardagan,
Slobodo and Williams Steve
J.B. Sheldon
Rampton and John Stauber Wendell
Berry CounterPunch
Wire Cindy
Corrie Gore Vidal Francis Boyle
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July 19, 2005 First Stop Syria; Next Stop IranBush's ItineraryBy
BILL CHRISTISON If he were a thinking person, George W. Bush might today be increasingly concerned that any positive legacy he had ever hoped for was slipping into oblivion. Many observers have long understood that Bush's first target for solidifying U.S. global domination has been the Middle East rather than East Asia or any other area. By now it should be evident even to him that U.S. imperial dreams are already disintegrating into the dust of Iraq. But Bush by nature is disinclined to think any problem through with care, and glories instead in his chosen image of macho, frontier-American decisiveness -- a "decisiveness" that unfortunately looks much like common stubbornness because it is not buttressed by a rigorously curious or honest intellect. This self-chosen image rather than facts determines Bush's policies when it comes to war and peace, and he still clings to the goal of "transforming" unfriendly nations of the Middle East into neocolonial territories of the U.S. Specifically, despite the continuing drain of Iraq on U.S. resources, he has given no sign of moderating his desire for quick regime change in both Iran and Syria. The point that should be made here is not new, but it deserves constant reemphasis: Bush now believes the most important objective of his foreign policy, to be accomplished well before his time as president comes to an end, is to oust the regimes of both Iran and Syria, using as much violence as he finds necessary. Bush almost certainly accepts that U.S. domination of these two countries (in addition to Iraq) can be either direct or indirect through puppet governments, but he wants that domination to be as permanent as anything can ever be in history. Once that is accomplished, the rest of the Middle East, including those wretchedly inconvenient Palestinians, should accept defeat and fall into line with Washington's policies. If he tips over all these dominoes, Bush believes, he can leave the White House with a solid legacy. He, his party, and his successor as Republican president would also, in this imagined future, acquire greater, more lasting support from those sectors of the U.S. electorate to which he caters -- the military-industrial complex, the Jewish-American vote, and fundamentalist Christians, who would see such changes in the Middle East as welcome victories in the global clash that they expect between Christianity and Islam. The Democrats, either seeking support from the same groups or not standing up to them effectively, would become more irrelevant than ever. The question we should be asking about this scenario is not whether it can be successful. It can be, or at least appear to be, for some unpredictable length of time that will end only when a majority of the U.S. electorate comes to oppose the scenario. The overwhelming military strength of the U.S., combined with the lesser (but also overwhelming in the Middle Eastern context) military strength of Israel, really does make at least an apparent, temporary victory for the U.S. seem inevitable if the two nations are willing to use their strength. Over the longer run, of course, the resulting Middle East "empire" will doubtless collapse of its own weight as perpetual insurgencies, heavier casualties, reduced benefits to average people here at home, and expanding complexities in U.S. relations with other areas combine finally to drain electoral support. But that is definitely long run. The real question, therefore, is whether those in the U.S. who already oppose Bush's imperial policy can mobilize enough political opposition fast enough to prevent the administration, while it remains in office, from carrying out the scenario outlined above. Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld et al. are betting that we cannot. Let's look for a moment at the latest evidence of Bush's long-lasting support for his scenario. In his nationally broadcast speech at the FBI Academy on July 11, 2005, Bush said, near the conclusion of his talk:
More than a year and a half earlier, on November 6, 2003, Bush spoke to the National Endowment for Democracy in Washington, D.C. At that time, he said:
Maybe the speechwriter was tired and could think of no new words, but Bush certainly wanted to threaten Damascus and Teheran with a fate similar to Baghdad's, and to re-issue the identical threat some twenty months later. Bush's glorification of the decisive makes it unwise to assume that the threat is idle, or that much time will pass before he, or Ariel Sharon, tries to make the threat reality. It would be an error to assume that the U.S. is too tied down in Iraq, or that Israel is too heavily engaged with its Gaza disengagement ploy, for either to move against Iran or Syria right now. Both nations' air or naval forces are lightly engaged at present, and their leaders might assume that they would not, initially at least, need heavy ground forces for Iran or Syria. In both cases, the leaders also pride themselves on taking risks and surprising alleged enemies, so that's another factor suggesting that we not be optimistic about avoiding the likelihood of new, major hostilities in the Middle East for the near future. In addition, political controversies in both the U.S. and Israel might even encourage either government to see the present time as propitious for a military distraction in Iran or Syria. The distraction might appear to be useful in papering over embarrassing political situations and generating more support for Bush and Sharon. Time is running out for those of us who do not want more U.S. wars, or more killings, more maimings, more empire-building, more occupations, more global injustice, more flouting of human rights, more fake democracy, more wealth for a few, more poverty for many, more weapons and profits for weapons-makers, more lies from the media, more ignorance among consumers of the media. And finally, time is also running out for those of us who do not want more power concentrated in an "establishment" whose organization few of us can even describe, although it has made servants of almost all of us. In short, the black, red, and blue button a friend gave us a while back has it right. It says, "The REVOLUTION begins now." Let's make it peaceful, but let's make it happen. Bill Christison was a senior official of the CIA.
He served as a National Intelligence Officer and as Director
of the CIA's Office of Regional and Political Analysis. He is
a contributor to Imperial
Crusades, CounterPunch's new history of the wars on Iraq
and Afghanistan. He can be reached at: christison@counterpunch.org.
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