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Hysteria, Exploitation and Witch Hunting In the Age of Internet Sex
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Today's Stories April 17, 2007 Jean Bricmont
/ April 16, 2007 John F. Sugg Ismael Hossein-Zadeh Carl G. Estabrook Paul Craig Roberts Uri Avnery Ralph Nader Eamon McCann Lee Sustar Mike Whitney Don Fitz Stephen Lendman Website of the Day
April 14 / 15, 2007 Alexander Cockburn Jorge Mariscal Jeffrey St. Clair Dave Marsh Dr. Trudy Bond Joe Bageant Fidel Castro Alfredo Molano Alan Farago Michael Neumann Fred Gardner Ron Jacobs Gail Dines Linda Ford Missy Beattie Dan La Botz Giuliana Sgrena Laura Carlsen Abu Spinoza Elizabeth Schulte Poets' Basement Website of
the Weekend
April 13, 2007 Patrick Cockburn Stephen Soldz George Ciccarriello-Maher Laith al-Saud Dave Zirin John Ross Ramzy Baroud Harvey Wasserman Lopez, Olivo and Garcia Dols, Fukumori,
Judd and Tillett-Saks Website of the Day
April 12, 2007 JoAnn Wypijewski Paul Craig
Roberts Marjorie Cohn Evelyn Pringle Ron Jacobs Norman Solomon Joe DeRaymond Nicola Nasser Nikolas Kozloff William S.
Lind Siegfried L. Sassoon Website of
the Day
R. T. Naylor Vijay Prashad Patrick Cockburn Winslow T. Wheeler Jack Balkwill Alan Farago Russell D.
Hoffman Peter Rost, MD Mike Whitney Dave Lindorff Susie Day Website of the Day
April 10, 2007 James G. Abourezk Earl Ofari
Hutchinson Joshua Frank Lee Sustar Joseph Grosso Nirmal Ghosh Robert Jensen Ramzy Baroud Paul Rockwell Mario Joseph
and Fred Wilhelms Website of
the Day
April 9, 2007 Saul Landau Uri Avnery Nicole Colson Gideon Levy Corporate Crime Reporter Evelyn Pringle Hill Kemp Martha Rosenberg Keith Rosenthal Jane Stillwater Website of the Day
Alexander Cockburn Sara Roy Arno J. Mayer Jeffrey St.
Clair Vicente Navarro Fidel Castro Fred Gardner Ralph Nader David N. Rahni Arthur Neslen Pratyush Chandra Missy Beattie Marc Levy Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend
April 6, 2007 Franklin Lamb Gloria La Riva Corporate Crime Reporter Ron Jacobs Felice Pace Walter Brasch David Swanson Sylvia Syracuse
Patrick Cockburn Tom Barry Richard W. Behan Nicola Nasser Bernadine Dohrn Laray Polk Helen Redmond
April 4, 2007 Col. Dan Smith Joshua Frank Margaret Kimberly Sharon Smith Jeff Cohen and Norman Solomon Martin Luther
King,Jr. Bill Quigley Dave Zirin Evelyn Pringle Peter Rost,
MD Website of the Day
April 3, 2007 Patrick Cockburn Marjorie Cohn Brian M. Downing Corporate Crime
Reporter Carol Norris Ralph Nader Dave Lindorff Scott Bontz Thomas Dolby Website of
the Day
Gary Leupp Uri Avnery James Petras Norman Solomon Robert Fisk Stanley Heller Sherwood Ross Monica Benderman Stephen Fleischman Anne McElroy
Dachel Website of the Day
Cockburn /
St. Clair Fred Gardner Greg Moses Gary Leupp Robert Fisk Roger Morris Conn Hallinan Kristin J.
Anderson Jason Hribal John Ross Christopher Brauchli David Underhill Elizabeth Schulte Ben Terrall Missy Beattie Sonja Karkar Daniel Wolff David Vest Ron Jacobs Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend
Alan Maass Veteran Intelligence
Professionals for Sanity Richard W. Behan Gabriel Kolko William S. Lind Stedjan / Weis Kevin Zeese David Busch Fidel Castro CounterPunch
News Service Website of the Day
Saul Landau Patrick Cockburn Dave Lindorff Arthur Neslen Michael Dickinson Ingmar Lee Aseem Shrivastava Marlene Martin Mahmoud El-Yousseph Michael Foley Website of the Day
March 28, 2007 Nicole Colson Harry Clark Larry Everest Jonathan M.
Feldman Dave Zirin Jane Stillwater Ayesha Ijaz Khan Jim Wilfong Hawra Karama Website of
the Day
Iain Boal /
Patrick Cockburn Monica Benderman Corporate Crime
Reporter Joshua Frank Harvey Wasserman Sen. Russell Feingold Tillman Family Patrick Bond David Judd Website of the Day
Patrick Cockburn Uri Avnery Greg Moses Bill Hatch John V. Walsh Diane Christian Dan La Botz Frederico Fuentes Sunsara Taylor Mickey Z. Website of the Day
Alexander Cockburn Jeffrey St.
Clair David Rosen Ron Jacobs Robert Fantina Alan Maass Atul Gawande Marianne McDonald China Hand Kaz Dziamka Andrew Wimmer Don Monkerud Anthony Papa Matthew Provonsha Missy Beattie Stephen Fleischman Poets' Basement Website of
the Weekend Song of the Weekend
March 23, 2007 Saul Landau Patrick Cockburn Greg Moses Rep. Ron Paul Franklin Lamb Stephen Gowans Roger Burbach Dave Lindorff William S. Lind Alan Mammoser Russell Hoffman Website of
the Day
March 22, 2007 Patrick Cockburn Robin Blackburn Michael Donnelly Uzma Aslam
Khan Lee Sustar Robert D. Skeels Rev. William Alberts Anne McElroy
Dachel Mickey Z. Website of
the Day
Tao Ruspoli James Petras Fred Gardner Corporate Crime
Reporter Faisal Kutty Robert Fantina Isabella Kenfield and Roger
Burbach Lucinda Marshall Winslow Wheeler Website of
the Day
March 20, 2007 Patrick Cockburn Winslow T.
Wheeler Sharon Smith Uri Avnery Stan Cox Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz Alan Farago Richard W.
Behan Juan Antonio Montecino Latin America Has Moved On David Krieger Peter Rost, MD Mickey Z. Website of
the Day Webclip of
the Day
March 19, 2007 Paul Craig
Roberts Patrick Cockburn Stauber / Rampton Werther Noam Chomsky Jeff Leys Richard May Ron Jacobs Mike Whitney Website of
the Day
March 17 / 18, 2007 Alexander Cockburn John Scagliotti Jeffrey St. Clair Paul Craig
Roberts Greg Moses Harry Clark Brian Cloughley Mehran Ghassemi William Loren Katz John Ross Ralph Nader Walter Brasch Samer Assad Dave Zirin Ron Jacobs Missy Beattie Don Santina Sami Adwan Dr. Susan Block Poets' Basement Website of
the Weekend
March 16, 2007 R. T. Naylor Paul Craig
Roberts Joshua Frank Diane Farsetta Tom Barry Stephen Lendman Al Krebs Jackie Corr Ramzy Baroud Reza Fiyouzat Website of the Day
March 15, 2007 Alison Weir Patrick Cockburn Veteran Intelligence
Professionals for Sanity Franklin Spinney Standard Schaefer Conn Hallinan Maureen Webb Sonja Karkar Margaret Kimberly Anthony Papa Katherine Hancy Wheeler Bush's Latin American Tour: Good Will Lost Video of the Day Website of
the Day
March 14, 2007 Tao Ruspoli Philip Agee Bruce Dixon John Walsh Sunsara Taylor William Johnson Richard Thieme Jeffrey Klein Nicola Nasser Dave Lindorff Website of
the Day
March 13, 2007 Catherine Wilkerson,
M.D. Jonathan Cook Robert Bryce Corporate Crime
Reporter Pierre Rimbert Dave Lindorff Elizabeth Schulte Norman Solomon Kevin Zeese Jeff Conant Website of the Day
March 12, 2007 Marjorie Cohn Col. Dan Smith Paul Craig Roberts Ingmar Lee Fred Gardner Ron Jacobs Ralph Nader John Ross Stephen Fleischman Eva Carazo Vargas Website of
the Day
March 9 / 11, 2007 Sameer Dossani Jeffrey St.
Clair Dave Marsh Patrick Cockburn Jennifer Van Bergen James P. Stevenson Arthur J. Versluis Corporate Crime
Reporter Missy Beattie Michael Simmons Kevin Zeese David Swanson John A. Murphy Dave Lindorff Nikolas Kozloff Christopher
Fons Mike Roselle Mike Mejia Susie Day Michael Donnelly Tao Ruspoli Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend
March 8, 2007 Elaine Cassel Yifat Susskind Corporate Crime Reporter Col. Dan Smith William S. Lind Mark Engler Roger Burbach Dana Cloud Isabella Kenfield Lucinda Marshall Tao Ruspoli Website of
the Day
Christopher Ketcham Christopher
Ketcham Alexander Cockburn / Jeffrey
St. Clair Winslow T.
Wheeler Sean Donahue Dave Lindorff Evelyn Pringle Tao Ruspoli Website of the Day
March 6, 2007 Gary Leupp Uri Avnery Patrick Cockburn Saul Landau Corporate Crime Reporter Ron Jacobs Mike Roselle P. Sainath Joshua Frank Aniket Alam Dave Zirin Website of
the Day
March 5, 2007 Greg Moses Patrick Cockburn James Petras Frida Berrigan Marjorie Cohn Douglas Kammen
and S.W. Hayati Sen. Barack Obama Michael Young Dave Lindorff Sonja Karkar Website of the Day
March 3 / 4, 2007 Alexander Cockburn Corporate Crime
Reporter Jeffrey St. Clair Patrick Cockburn Ralph Nader M. Shahid Alam Gilad Atzmon Fred Gardner George Ciccariello-Maher Rock &
Rap Confidential Gillian Russom Michael McPhearson Kevin Zeese Sunsara Taylor Wendy Thompson Kenneth Rexroth Missy Beattie Don Monkerud Tina Louise Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend
March 2, 2007 Roger Morris Phil Gasper Mike Roselle Robert Bryce John V. Walsh Sherwood Ross China Hand David Rosen Chris Genovali Peter Harley Website of the Day
March 1, 2007 Laura Carlsen Paul Craig
Roberts Ray McGovern Christopher
Brauchli Najum Mustaq Brent Bowden Tina Richards Ethan Nadelman Mike Stark Wadner Pierre
/ Jeb Sprague Mike Whitney Website of
the Day
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April 17, 2007 A Coming Political TsunamiThe Elections in FranceBy JEAN BRICMONT The forthcoming French presidential
election threatens to produce a major political earthquake with
shock waves reaching far beyond the country's borders : a sort
of post-mortem victory of the neo-conservatives through the election
of Nicolas Sarkozy as president of the French Republic. The French capitalist class and mainstream media have rallied behind Sarkozy as the man ruthless enough to go all the way and crush, once and for all, the dual monsters of independent French foreign policy and the French social model -- or at least what is left of them. He has already succeeded in taking control of the Gaullist party, destroying every trace of Gaullism within it, at least officially, which is no small achievement. In this, he has been very much helped by those in the media who never forgave President Jacques Chirac for his non-alignment with US foreign policy in 2003 [1]. Although the Economist presents him as a new Napoleon, Sarkozy's political role would be closer to Louis XVIII (king of the post-revolutionary, post-Napoleonic reaction). But Sarkozy's penchant for inflammatory rhetoric is bound to be terribly divisive of French society. He has claimed that he would rid the banlieues (working class high rise suburbs) of the "racaille" (variously translated as "riffraff" or "scum"). He plays the "law and order" card in extreme ways, and his supporters seem not to notice that as minister of the Interior, his methods have actually made a bad situation worse. He boasted that he would use Karcher (a high-pressure outdoor surface cleaner) to clean up the troubled banlieues. He has called his rival candidates supporters of crime, a rhetorical flourish which is extreme even by French standards. As a result, part of the bourgeoisie has more or less openly turned to François Bayrou, a centrist Christian-Democrat (a political species that was almost extinct in France). The future policies of Bayrou, should he be elected, are unclear -- he is very conservative, but he seems more balanced than Sarkozy, far less likely to provoke disorder in the streets. On the mainstream left, we
have Ségolène Royal. She lacks solid support from
her own Socialist Party, whose more established male leaders
resent her promotion to presidential candidate thanks mainly
to 2006 public opinion polls showing "Ségo"
as the only one able to beat "Sarko". Since then, her
poll ratings have dropped alarmingly, and she has gone so far
to the right to appeal to the "center", that many of
her potential supporters The radical left has defeated itself even before the election. Its leaders have managed to squander the political capital that was built up by the impressive social movement in the 2005 campaign against the European Constitution. That struggle led to the creation of local committees intent on creating a new movement expressing the aspirations of those who opposed the anti-social Constitution. This movement was probably the most genuine instance of grassroots democracy existing in the West. The hope was that those committees could choose a single candidate representing the "left of the left". José Bové, a colorful sheep farmer whose spectacular actions in opposition to GMOs and McDonald's have made him into a sort of symbol of the anti-globalization movement, was the personality most apt to united the diverse movement. The movement toward a new unified
radical left was scuttled by sectarian manipulation. The French
Communist Party, a shadow of its previous self, managed to infltrate
the committees or set up bogus committees of its own (one the
few things it is still able to do) and get them to "choose"
the uninspiring Marie-George Buffet as presidential candidate
of the whole movement. There was no chance of uniting the movement
around a "unity" candidate who happened to be the leader
of the Communist Party. The trotskyist Ligue Communiste Révolutionnaire
broke ranks in the likely hope of outscoring its old enemy, the
CP, by fielding its own candidate, the baby-faced postman, Olivier
Besancenot, whose oratorical skills were revealed during the
2005 referendum campaign. The outcome was one communist and three
competing trotskyist candidates. In addition to Besancenot, there
is the "eternal" Arlette Laguiller, of Lutte Ouvrière
(Worker's struggle), who has been a presidential candidate as
far back as anybody can remember. Her unchanging message used
to win her as much as 5% of the protest vote, but she is likely
to do badly in this, her last campaign. Finally there is the
totally obscure Gérard Schivardi, who proclaimed himself
"candidate of the mayors", apparently in reference
to the surprising fact that he managed to obtain the 500 signatures
of mayors needed to qualify as a candidate (but the association
of French mayors demanded that he retract that slogan). Schivardi
is very much against the European Union, but also does not seem
to be very clever : he claims that, until recently, he did not
know that the Parti des Travailleurs (Worker's Party)
that supports him was trotskyist (of course, nobody can check
all the facts). Besancenot is the only one of the "little"
candidates who seems to have a chance of crossing the 5% threshold
needed for his party to receive quite a lot of money -- which
may help explain the urge of the marginal parties to join the
race (if only to prevent rival candidates from getting that money). But this appears to be rather a long shot. With the risk of Socialist candidate Ségolène Royal not even making it into the second round, many people on the "left of the left" are likely to cast a "useful" vote for her in the first round. Nobody has forgotten that in the last presidential election five years ago, disaffection with the Socialist candidate, Lionel Jospin, allowed National Front leader Jean-Marie Le Pen to make it into the runoff against Jacques Chirac, who thereupon won by a landslide. The worry is that such a that "useful vote" might contribute to the victory of the dreaded Sarkozy, by presenting him with an adversary easier to defeat than Bayrou. Such calculations keep many voters wavering. In a sense, the most interesting candidate is the oldest one : Jean-Marie Le Pen. As Sarkozy himself pointed out, everybody has moved to the right, except Le Pen, who has moved to the left. Of course, given his starting point, one might think that this is no big deal, but that may be misleading. For one thing, in terms of voter preference, his party, the National Front, has largely replaced the CP as the "party of the working class". In recent decades, the CP has abandoned its historic role of integrating the working class through combat in order to become a moralizing "left" party in the wake of the Socialists. The National Front, which represents over 15% of the vote (although the electoral system keeps it out of the National Assembly), is now the largest party that complains loudly about globalization, European Union regulations, delocalizations -- and of course its old stock in trade, illegal immigration and security. But those latter themes are not necessarily unpopular among workers. A major novelty is that Le Pen has drastically toned down the racist discourse for which he was notorious. The line taken now by the old demagogue (who is showing his age), and his politically talented daughter Marine, who has skillfully contributed to bringing the National Front closer to the mainstream, is to emphasize to the sons and daughters of immigrants that they are entirely French (and not "scum" as Sarkozy calls them) and that immigration should be stopped precisely in order to safeguard their place in society and improve their opportunities. Father and daughter have been able to venture safely into banlieues where Sarkozy, thoroughly detested, dares not tread. Always the entertainer, Le Pen's current extremism tends toward macho bravado, such as proposing to raise the speed limit by 20km/hr on highways, and, at the same time, to raise the amount of alcohol drivers are allowed to consume. One publicly unmentionable factor in Le Pen's popularity is that he is the only major politician who is not genuflexing to the pro-Israel lobby, probably the second strongest such lobby in the world (after the one in the United States, of course). To illustrate this, last February 13, the CRIF (the Representative Council of Jewish Institutions of France), which like its U.S. counterpart AIPAC holds an annual dinner that all major politicians feel obliged to attend in order to listen to a little sermon instructing them in the what-to-do-for-Israel list, managed to organize a meeting at which with Sarkozy-Royal-Bayrou, plus a representative of the CP, were lectured about the Iranian threat to the world. Le Pen, of course, is not invited to such meetings, having long ago been labeled an "antisemitic" untouchable. But the stigma does not function among the large Muslim French population. On the contrary. Indeed, Le Pen's emphasis on law and order, and even his paternalistic -- not to say "godfather" -- persona, may appeal to members of the older generations of immigrant origin, while at the same time he gains votes in the younger generations because of the extreme symbolic value of Palestine. The mainstream discourse is so pro-Israel that some young voters are openly hesitating between Le Pen and Bové (whose anti-globalization, pro-Palestinian positions have aroused the hostility of the pro-Israel camp), or between Le Pen and Besancenot. In short, anybody but the mainstream. A small number of leftists have even joined the Le Pen camp and an ex-communist writer, who still claims to be on the radical left, Alain Soral, has declared that if Marx were alive today, he would vote Le Pen (joining the vast anthology of statements by French intellectuals that are not to be taken seriously). In reality, Le Pen's economic policies are markedly to the right. But since he has been, whether one likes it or not, a trend-setter (or weather-vane) in French policy (his trademark theme of "immigration" as a major issue is now echoed by all leading French politicians, one way or another), his changing rhetoric may be a sign that times are changing. Paradoxically, it can be seen as a political advance for the legally established immigrants to be openly recognized as fully French by their former arch-enemy. Le Pen has grasped the greater electoral value of social issues, and even if he has no solutions to offer, he may oblige the maintream left and right to run after him on this theme, just as they ran after him on immigration --which could be an amusing paradox. The candidate who has taken over the extreme right position on immigration is Philippe de Villiers. His "Mouvement Pour la France" is visibly archaic upper class, and not even his heavy stress on the "the Islamic peril to traditional France" and the "war against terrorism" has succeeded in wooing Jewish establishment support away from Sarkozy. His acidic style is no match for Le Pen's raucous populism. The last small right wing candidate, Frédéric Nihous, of "Chasse, Pêche, Nature et Traditions" ("Hunting, Fishing, Nature and Traditions"), is campaigning on the theme of "rural life". CPNT is basically a special interest group of hunters peeved with EU and Green regulations limiting when and how much wildlife can be shot or trapped. He gets equal free television time with all the others --which may be comical, but is surely no more irrelevant than the expensive publicity spots featured in U.S. presidential campaigns. A word about the potential candidate who failed to get his 500 signatures : Nicolas Dupont-Aignan, an earnest young Gaullist who opposed the European Constitutional Treaty and who sought to carry on the left Gaullist tradition of national independence coupled with social concern. His absence is evidence of Sarkozy's achievement in purging the French right of the last trace of Gaullism. While the search for mayors' signatures was underway, Sarkozy publicly stated that it would be unfair for someone like Besancenot not to be able to run. This was clearly not his attitude toward Dupont-Aignan. The supposedly "Gaullist" party taken over by Sarkozy from Chirac withheld the necessary endorsement from the only real Gaullist in the running. Despite a dozen candidates to choose from, a striking aspect of this campaign has been the enormous number of undecided voters. This is an effect of the crisis of European democracy : more and more powers have been devolved to the central EU bureaucracy in Brussels, in general with the support of the Socialists and the Greens. The European left (especially the Greens) have defended this devolution as the necessary cure for "nationalism", condemned as the greatest evil. The result is that economic policy is firmly under control of powerful business lobbies intent on transforming Europe into a profitable field for financial investment, notably at the expense of wage costs, social welfare and public services. People recognize by now that no candidate can possibly redirect economic policy and therefore keep his social promises, whatever they are. The only autonomy left, assuming the European construction does not make further "progress" towards "integration", is in foreign policy, which, in France, is the prerogative of the president of the Republic. That is where a Sarkozy victory might make a big difference, since he would eagerly align himself with the U.S. and Israel. The polls are made highly unreliable by the large number of undecided voters, not to mention those who refuse to tell the truth or who simply hang up on the telephone pollsters. It is by now well known that Le Pen's voters, in particular, are reluctant to reveal their true intentions. So what can be expected on April 22 ? Le Pen may do well where least expected, in ethnically mixed working class areas, while possibly losing votes on his right to Sarkozy, who has been fishing in National Front waters. The radical left is too fragmented to fulfill the promise of the 2005 referendum movement. Royal has been playing too much to the center to gain "useful" votes from the radical left, although she will probably take votes away from the Green and Communist Party candidates, who appear to be heading for humiliating defeat. Still, the mainstream left once again risks not making it into the second round, and if it does, risks being defeated by Sarkozy. The only candidate who, according to polls, has a good chance to beat him is Bayrou, whose electorate is the least stable. The worst case scenario, improbable but not impossible, would be a Le Pen/Sarkozy runoff, leading to a huge victory for Sarkozy. This would be the ghastly climax of a process that started with Mitterrand and led the left, including the CP, into increasing isolation from the working class. The prospect of a Sarkozy victory is strange, considering the hatred he inspires, all the way from loyal Gaullists, who see him as a traitor, to the far left, who see him as the main enemy. But many on the far left are "too principled" to vote for a centrist, or even for Ségolène Royal, to keep Sarkozy out of power, and may abstain in the second round. Sarkozy's power-hungry personality is deeply alarming to some observers -- notably the journalist Jean-François Kahn, founder of the popular magazine Marianne, which is waging all-out ideological war against the front-runner. But considering the opposition he inspires, the victory of Sarkozy, if it happens, may not be as bad as the ideological blitzkrieg it will let loose. One can count on the Anglo-American media to present that victory as "proof" that France has finally seen the light, throwing off its bad Gaullist/Socialist habits and joining the globalization paradise, and that nobody can resist the leadership of the United States and Israel in the Middle East. But the Sarkozy conversion, if it happens, will be only a surface event on a highly unstable and volatile social reality. The rebellious nature of the population makes it unlikely that any president will be able to impose his will, short of establishing a real dictatorship. The French left, and particularly the far left, needs to get its act together and appreciate what sets France apart from other Western powers : a tradition of social revolution combined with a strongly secular state committed to a certain ideal of equality. This means overcoming its sectarianism, as well as its own tendency to "hate France" for its bad moments in history : colonialism and Pétain in particular. The reactionary forces that back Sarkozy also "hate France", for opposite reasons. Sarkozy, who has announced
his desire to create a "ministry of immigration and national
identity", actually told the Bushites during a trip to Washington
that he was "proud to be called "Sarkozy the American"",
that he often "felt like a foreigner in his own country"
and that Dominique de Villepin was guilty of "arrogance"
in his famous speech to the UN Security Council rejecting U.S.
calls for war against Iraq. The "national identity"
Sarkozy has in mind clearly has nothing to do with France's best
traditions, which he seems to be out to liquidate. But one can
hope that such a task is beyond the scope of the power-hungry
former mayor of the posh Paris suburb of Neuilly, even with the
backing of the stock market, the neo-conservatives and the French
rock star Johnny Hallyday, who is moving out of France in order
to avoid paying taxes. Sooner or later, the real "national
identity" may stand up. 1 . (see Diana Johnstone, Pre-Emptive Strike Against Chirac,
CounterPunch. Diana Johnstone can be reached at dianajohnstone@compuserve.com
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