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Inside the New Print Edition of CounterPunch: a Special Double Issue on the US at War

Encounters Outside Fort Sill: the Case of Camilo Mejia by David Smith-Ferri; A Marine's Time in Iraq: Jim Talib's Story: by Derek Seidman; The Marines or Jail: Take Your Pick Young Man by Ron Jacobs; Pie in the Sky: the Pentagon's Latest Star Wars Scam: by Jeffrey St. Clair; The Strategy of Tension in Bolivia by Forrest Hylton; How the Other Half Talks: HRC's War on Immigrants & Libertarians Debate Lincoln as War Criminal: by Alexander Cockburn. Remember these stories are available exclusively in the print edition of CounterPunch. CounterPunch Online is read by millions of viewers each month! But remember, we are funded solely by the subscribers to the print edition of CounterPunch. Please support this website by buying a subscription to our newsletter, which contains fresh material you won't find anywhere else, or by making a donation for the online edition. Remember contributions are tax-deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now!

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How the Press &
the CIA Killed Gary Webb's Career

 

Today's Stories

December 27, 2004

Saul Landau
James Cason's Cuban Delusions

December 25 / 26, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Yup, It's Moral Outrage Time

Diane Christian
The Christmas Christ

Dr. Susan Block
Faith-Based Sex

Gary Leupp
Rumsfeld, His Critics and the Draft

Ron Jacobs
Music in Wartime

Elaine Cassel
Articles I Didn't Write

Jim Minick
Beyond Organic

Poets Basement
Louise, Landau, Orloski, Albert and Collins

 

December 24, 2004

Diane Christian
Winning: Rummy and John Milton

Chad Nagle
Ukraine's Real Underdog

Saul Landau
My Friend Richard Barnet

Greg Moses
Ramsey Muniz Speaks

Joe DeRaymond
The Endless War in Colombia: a View From Within

Borzou Daragahi
Iraq's Christians: Tolerated by Saddam; Targets Under Occupation

Mike Whitney
Rummy's Quagmire of Lies

Francis A. Boyle
O Little Town of Bethlehem: Another Christmas Under Occupation

William Loren Katz
Florida 1837: Christmas Eve Resistance to the First US Occupation

 

December 23, 2004

Chad Nagle
Report from Kiev: Yushchenko's Not Quite Ready for Sainthood

David Smith-Ferri
The Real UN Disgrace in Iraq

Bill Quigley
Death Watch for Human Rights in Haiti

Mickey Z.
Crumbs from Our Table

Christopher Brauchli
Merck's Merry X-mas

Greg Moses
When No Law Means No Law

Alan Singer
An Encounter with Sen. Schumer: a Very Dangerous Democrat

David Price
Social Security Pump and Dump

Website of the Day
Gabbo Gets Laid

 

December 22, 2004

James Petras
An Open Letter to Saramago: Nobel Laureate Suffers from a Bizarre Historical Amnesia

Omar Barghouti
The Case for Boycotting Israel

Patrick Cockburn / Jeremy Redmond
They Were Waiting on Chicken Tenders When the Rounds Hit

Harry Browne
Northern Ireland: No Postcards from the Edge

Richard Oxman
On the Seventh Column

Kathleen Christison
Imagining Palestine

Website of the Day
FBI Torture Memos

 

 

December 21, 2004

Greg Moses
The New Zeus on the Block: Unplugging Al-Manar TV

Dave Lindorff
Losing It in America: Bunker of the Skittish

Chad Nagle
The View from Donetsk

Dragon Pierces Truth*
Concrete Colossus vs. the River Dragon: Dislocation and Three Gorges Dam

Patrick Cockburn
"Things Always Get Worse"

Seth DeLong
Aiding Oppression in Haiti

Ahmad Faruqui
Pakistan and the 9/11 Commission's Report

Paul Craig Roberts
America Locked Up: a System of Injustice

 

 

December 20, 2004

Gary Leupp
Japan in Iraq

Robert Fisk
An Army Without Compassion

Uri Avnery
The Mountain and the Mouse

Francisco Letelier
My Case Against Pinochet

Patrick Cockburn
The Polls of Fear

Bill Conroy
Charles Bowden on the Legacy of Gary Webb: "He Drew Blood"

Yoshie Furuhashi
Chokeholds of a Giant: Attacking Wal-Mart's Supply Chain

David Swanson
Media Blackout of Bush's War on Labor

Chad Nagle
Did Yushchenko Poison Himself?

 

 

December 18 / 19, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Why They Hated Gary Webb

Saul Landau
Gen. Pinochet Should Also Face Charges in DC

Patrick Cockburn
Losing Mosul: Once They Called It a Model for the Occupation

Douglas Valentine
Wolves and Revolution in Venezuela: a Caracas Romance

Ray McGovern
Laughing Dragon, Dancing Bear: the New China / Russia Alliance

Fred Gardner
DEA Upholds Grower's Marijuana Monopoly

Jean-Guy Allard
Locked Up Naked in a Hole Within a Hole: Have the Cuban 5 Been Tortured in US Prisons?

Ron Jacobs
Drifters Escape, Again: Encounters with Berkeley's Police

Raymond G. Helmick, S.J.
The Law and Peace in the Middle East

Sean Sellers
Values Voters, Desperate Housewives and Sweatshop Tacos

Lee Sustar
Christmas on the Picket Line at CNH: "They Want to Break Our Unions"

Richard Thieme
Webb's Wife: "Gary Was Never the Same After They Attacked Him"

Sam Bahour
WANTED: Middle East Negotiator

Joshua Frank
The Spin Doctor: an Interview with Mickey Z.

Dave Lindorff
A Man Who Confers with God Should Have Good Hearing

Stan Cox
What Kids Cost: Dallas v. Delhi

Chris Frasier
Farming By Numbers: More Poets, Fewer MBAs

Poets' Basement
Katz, Melek, Harley, Albert and Ford

 

 

December 17, 2004

Cockburn / St. Clair
CounterAttack: How the Press and the CIA Killed Gary Webb's Career

Dave Lindorff
Racism: Philly Style

Dan Bacher
Bush Abandons Salmon Restoration

Marisa Jacott
NAFTA and the Environment: Trade Still Runs Roughshod

Francis Thicke
How Now, Industrial Cow?

Rupert Cornwell
The Inuit Strike Back

Website of the Day
Franz Boas Unrolls Over in His Grave

 

 

December 16, 2004

Michael Neumann
How We Became Barbarians

Merlin Chowkwanyun
An Interview with Ralph Nader

Gabriel Espinoza Gonzales
The Dubious Career of John Bolton

Christopher Brauchli
Louis Freeh's New Gig: Usurer

Patrick Cockburn
Allawi's Pre-Election Ploy: Putting "Chemical Ali" on Trial

Mike Whitney
Gearing Up for a Draft?

Walter Brasch
Hillbilly Humvees and Rumsfeld's New Physics

Bill Conroy
How Gary Webb Saved My Ass from the FBI

Website of the Day
Saturday Memorial for Gary Webb

 

 

December 15, 2004

Robert Fisk
Who Killed Baha Mousa?

Jennifer Van Bergen
The Monster Under the Bed

Heather Gray
Will the Real Christians Please Stand?: a Personal Testimony

Dave Lindorff
The DNC, Albright and the Iraq Elections

Luis Hernandez Navarro
To Die a Little: Migration and Coffee in Mexico and Central America

Joshua Frank
The Ohio Recount: an Exercise in "Dumbocracy"

Greg Moses
Eighty-Sixing Civil Rights in Ohio?

George Caffentzis
The Petroleum Commons

 

 

December 14, 2004

Dave Lindorff
DNC Meddling in the Ukraine Elections

Larry Birns / Seth DeLong
Haiti is Unraveling and No One is Saying Anything

Richard Thieme
My Last Talk with Gary Webb: "I Knew It Was the Truth and That's What Kept Me Going"

Patrick Cockburn
A Year After Saddam's Capture, Iraq is Getting Worse

Chris Floyd
Client State: Moral Values and Voluntary Servitude in Bush's America

Akiva Eldar
A One-time Hanukkah Miracle

Burbach / Cantor
The Legacy of Pinochet: Kissinger and the Teflon Tyrant

 

December 13, 2004

Cockburn / St. Clair
Gary Webb: a Great Reporter, Trashed by the CIA's Claque

David Phinney
"Contract Meal Disaster" for Iraqi Prisoners: Rancid Food Sparked Abu Ghraib Riots

Paul Craig Roberts
A Dose of Non-Delusional Reality for Douglas Feith

M. Junaid Alam
The War is the War Crime

Robert Jensen
The US Has Lost the Iraq War...and That's a Good Thing

Richard Oxman
Kafkaesque Lessons for the Left

Greg Moses
Send No Messengers of Defeat

Douglas Lummis
The Pentagon's Neurosis: Fallujah Gulag

 

December 11 / 12, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Running an Empire on the Cheap

Ron Jacobs
The Drugs of War: Getting High in the Green Zone?

Saul Landau
Listening and Talking to God About Invading Other Countries

Gary Leupp
Bush's Capital

Sharon Smith
The Horrible Toll on US Troops

Dave Lindorff
Deja Vu All Over Again: 5,000 Desertions and Counting

Uri Avnery
The Boss Has Gone Crazy

Jude Wanniski
The Neo-Con Smear on Kofi Annan: What Food-for-Oil Scandal?

Heather Gray
How the South Became Republican: an Interview with John Egerton

Patrick Cockburn / Ken Sengupta
Fallujah: the Homecoming and the Homeless

John Pilger
Return to Kosovo: Calling the Humanitarian Bombers to Account

Joshua Frank
All the Rage: Mr. Solomon, Say You're Sorry

Ben Tripp
O Canada!: the Truth About the Election of 2004

John Stanton
God Speaks!

Laura Nathan
Porn Stars are People, Too: a Talk with Christi Lake

Poets' Basement
Capaccio, Davies, Louise, Ford and Albert

Website of the Day
Fallujah Photos: Killed in Their Beds

 

December 10, 2004

Ralph Nader
President Bush, Stop Destroying the Mosques of Iraq

Greg Moses
Whitewashing Voter Fraud

Nicole Colson
Rebellion in the Ranks: Grunts Are Resisting Stop-Loss Orders

Frederick B. Hudson
"They Still Got Those Dogs": A New Book Probes Old Civil Rights Lessons

Patrick Cockburn
Iraq's Insurgents Oppose the Occupation, Not the Elections

Kathy Kelly
From Haiti to Iraq: Burying Water

 

December 9, 2004

Greg Moses
Ask Not Who Bankrolled Fallujah

Joshua Frank
Cobb and the Ohio Recount: Vote Fraud as Fundraiser!

Ralph Nader
An Open Letter to Bush: It's Time to Disclose the Real Casualty Figures

Lee Sustar
Bhopal: the Making of a Disaster

Tom Barry
Restrictionist Resurgence

Mickey Z.
Sander Hicks and the 9/11 Truth Movement

Christopher Brauchli
Bush in the Bubble

Mark Donham
Why are House Democrats Trying to Deny Cynthia McKinney Seniority?

Gary Corseri
On the Anniversary of John Lennon's Death, 2012

Paul de Rooij
The Voices of Sharon's Little Helpers

 

 

December 8, 2004

Ralph Nader
Will the Real Michael Moore Ever Re-Emerge?

Ann Harrison
The Ohio Recount: Reluctant Officials and Few Rules

Paul Craig Roberts
War Crime

Dave Lindorff
They've Got a Secret: Inside the $40 Billion Black Budget for Spying

Patrick Cockburn / Andrew Buncombe
CIA Warning on Iraq: Fallujah Did Not Break the Back of the Insurgency

Col. Dan Smith
Rules of Engagement in Iraq

Emily Alves / Michael Johnson
Paradise Lost: Corruption and Clientelism in Costa Rica

Richard Oxman
The Dylan Bob Wouldn't Mention: Up With Dylan Thomas

Ron Jacobs
In Fallujah, Freedom Isn't Free

 

December 7, 2004

Patrick Cockburn
Running Battles in Baghdad

Behrooz Ghamari
Lost Muslim Voices of Dissent

Dave Lindorff
American Fantasies: Psst! Hey Buddy, Did You Hear How Well the War's Going?

Joshua Frank
Dean at the DNC?

Richard Oxman
Down with Dylan: the Insufferable Interview

Ray McGovern
All Mosquitoes, No Swamp

John Chuckman
The Invasion of Hallifax: The Imperial Wizard Visits Canada

James Petras
Latin America: the Empire Changes Gears

Website of the Day
ToxMap: Who's Poisoning You

 

December 6, 2004

Paul Craig Roberts
Paranoia and Pre-emption: Is the Bush Administration Certifiable?

December 4 / 6, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Politicize the CIA? You've Got to be Kidding

Joe Bageant
Dining with the Rhinos

Alan Maass
Reporting from the Ground in Iraq: an Interview with Patrick Cockburn

Brian Cloughley
Democracy, Bush-style, in the Gulf

Laura Carlsen
Latin America Shifts Left

Lenni Brenner
Jefferson, Madison, Bush and Religion

Anna Ioakimedes
Brazil's Haitian Mission: Doing God's Work or Washington's?

Uri Avnery
Widow of Opportunity?

Fred Gardner
Supreme Court Hears Medical Pot Case

Dave Zirin
Steroids to Heaven

Jackie Corr
Mining Camp Blues: the Red State Variation

Don Fitz
Will Greens Abandon IRV?

Lucy Herschel
"Art can be a Weapon of the Oppressed": an Interview with Artist Anthony Papa

Richard Oxman
No Angels in America: Bashing the Gay Play

Ron Jacobs
Holiday Greeting Card

Poets' Basement
Collins, Albert, LaMorticella

 

December 3, 2004

Dave Lindorff
Lie Then Escalate

Ben Tripp
Fun With Boycotts: How to Shop in a Time of Crisis

Joe Allen
Murder in El Salvador: the Assassination of Teamster Organizer Gilberto Soto

Matthew B. Riley
Human Rights Court Fails Lori Berenson

Meir Shalev
In the End, It is the Violin that Wins

Bob Wing
The White Elephant in the Room: Race and Election 2004

Christopher Brauchli
When McCain Bit His Tongue

Sasan Fayazmanesh
The EU, the US, Israel and Iran

 

December 2, 2004

Tito Tricot
No Justice in Chile: I'm a Torture Survivor in a Country Where Torturers Still Run Free

Behzad Yaghmaian
The Murder of Theo Van Gogh and Muslim Migration

Dr. Susan Block
Lana and Me: Meetings with Remarkable Apes

Frank / Chowkwanyun
Liberalism and Its Bounds

Lee Sustar
Standoff in Ukraine: the Bad v. the Corrupt

Patrick Cockburn
Another Grim Record in Iraq

Mark Engler
Seattle at Five

Michael Donnelly
Something Stinks in South Bend: the Firing of Tyrone Willingham

Nate Collins
The Bay Area Mall on an Ohlone Burial Grounds

Saul Landau
The Assassination of Danilo Anderson

 

December 1, 2004

Phillip Cryan
Associated with Whom? Rightist Bias in Wire Coverage of Colombia

Dave Zirin
What's the Matter with "Leon"?: Budweiser's Racist Commercial

Ghali Hassan
Iraq's Health Care Under the Occupation: 200 Children Die Every Day

Donna J. Volatile
Beware Western Nations Threatening "Democracy"

Patrick Cockburn
How Saddam Tried to Arm the Insurgency

Nick Meo
Chemical War Over Afghanistan

Mike Ferner
The Battle of Toledo

Mokhiber / Weissman
Shame and Determination on Global AIDS Day: 40 Million and Rising

Kathy Kelly
Looking the Other Way: the Real Crimes of the UN in Iraq

 

November 30, 2004

Jennifer Van Bergen
The Veil of Secrecy

Toni Nelson Herrera
Meeting Kurtz: When Art is a Crime

Paul Craig Roberts
The Bush Delusions: Successful at Incompetence

Patrick Cockburn
The Insurgency Strikes Back: There Are No Safe Havens in Iraq

Chuck Munson
WTO Protests Five Years Later: Seattle Weekly Trashes Anti-Globalization Movement

Adam Williams
Citizenship Sold: Back to Business in Indiana

Gregory Elich
A Dangerous Turn in the US Plans for North Korea

Website of the Day
Read Lynne Cheney's Lesbian Novel Online!

 

November 29, 2004

Dave Lindorff
Blowback in Ukraine: The Hand of the CIA?

Omar Barghouti
"The Pianist" of Palestine: Roadblock Concerto at Gunpoint

Mike Whitney
The US Media and Fallujah: How to Market a Siege

Uri Avnery
The Abu Mazen Style: "Give Me Some Credit!"

Matt Vidal
Globalization and Economic Inequality: a Look at the Numbers

Patrick Cockburn
An Interview with Iraq's Foreign Minister

Alan Farago
Sex Change and Salvation: God, Girly Men and Endocrine Disrupters

Justin Huggler
Bhopal 20 Years Later

Antony Loewenstein
How Australia Reported Arafat's Death and Legacy

Gary Leupp
Ukraine: Poll Results Aren't the Real Issue

Website of the Day
Mosul: Images from a Kill Zone

 

 

November 27 / 28, 2004

Peter Linebaugh
Torture & Neo-Liberalism with Sycorax in Iraq

Alexander Cockburn
What Happened to O'Reilly's Loofa?

Fred Gardner
Ashcroft v. Raich: Medical Marijuana and the Supreme Court

Kathy Kelly
What We Can Control

Diane Christian
The Other Cheek: "Empire Doesn't Analyze, It Acts"

Gary Leupp
One More Neocon Target: South (Yes, South) Korea

Lenni Brenner
Equality and Rights of Return: Jefferson Instructs the New York Times

Ron Jacobs
Death Squads and Iraq's Elections: the Mysterious Murders of the AMS Clerics

Joshua Frank
An Interview with Kevin Zeese on Nader, Kerry and the ABB Crowd

Toni Solo
The Murder of Danilo Anderson

Saul Landau
Fallujah, the 21st Century Guernica

JoAnn Wypijewski
Matthew Shepard Case 6 Years Later: Why Hate Crimes Laws are No Cure for Homophobia

Justin Taylor
Empire's Lawless Opportunities

Amos Harel
The Case of Captain R.

Walter A. Davis
Tabloid Justice

Stephen Hendricks
God's Kind of Men

Poets' Basement
Albert, LaMorticella and Ford

 

 

November 26, 2004

Peter Feng
Gavin Newsom: Man or Machine?

Greg Moses
It's the White Vote, Stupid

Liaquat Ali Khan
The Devil's Work: Bush's Minority Appointments

Michael Mandel / Gail Davidson
Why Bush Should Be Banned from Canada: a Memo to the Ministry of Immigration

Dave Lindorff
Nation of Sheep, Turkey of an Election: Urkrainians Show the Way

Gary Corseri
When Black Friday Comes...

Paul Craig Roberts
Whatever Happened to Conservatives?

Website of the Day
Iraq Pipeline Watch

 

 

November 25, 2004

Willliam Loren Katz
Giving Thanks to Whom?: "Thanks to God We Sent 600 Heathen Souls to Hell Today"

Mitchel Cohen
Why I Hate Thanksgiving

Mike Ferner
An Uncommon Mom

 

 

November 24, 2004

Gila Svirsky
License to Kill: the Example of Violence is Set by the State

Winslow T. Wheeler
The Other Mess in Congress

Christopher Brauchli
The Company He Keeps: the Syndicate of Tom Delay

Dave Lindorff
Double Standards on Exit Polls: Hypocrisy Sans Irony

Ron Jacobs
The Occupation of Iraq is the Root of t he Problem

Ken Sengupta
Witnesses: War Crimes in Fallujah

Diana Barahona
The Final Holocaust or Why I Voted for Ralph Nader

John L. Hess
Safire the Shameless

Jason Leopold
Did Harvard Hire (Another) War Criminal?

Jeffrey St. Clair
The Mark of McCain: the Senator Most Likely to Start a Nuclear War

Map of the Day
Now and Then: 2004 v. 1860

 

November 23, 2004

Forrest Hylton
Bush and Uribe at the Beach

 

 

 

 

November 22, 2004

Dave Zirin
Fight Night in the NBA: Selective Outrage in Detroit

Paul Craig Roberts
On to Iran: We Won't Get Fooled Again?

Michael Mandel / Gail Davidson
Why Bush Should be Banned from Canada

Kathie Helmkamp
Our Son: a Marine Who Won't Kill

Ken Sengupta
The Triangle of Death: "This is Now the Most Dangerous Place in Iraq"

Mike Whitney
Greenspan's Hammer

Roger Burbach
Why They Hate Bush in Chile

Website of the Day
Fed Up with Government Lies and Corporate Spin?

 

 

November 20 / 21, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
The Poisoned Chalice

Todd May
Religion, the Election and the Politics of Fear

Abbas Ahmed Ibrahim
The Horrors of Fallujah: a First-Hand Account

Kevin Zeese
Mishandling Nader

Landau / Hassen
After Arafat

Tom Barry
The Vulcans Consolidate Power: The Rise of Stephen Hadley

Fred Gardner
Pot Shots: Ask Dr. Todd

Justin E.H. Smith
Triumph of the Will: the Sequel

Carl Estabrook
Where We Are Now

Gary Leupp
Imperial History-Making vs. Reality-Based Thought: a Dialogue

Dave Lindorff
Apocalypse Soon

Jenna Michelle Liut
Plans Colombia and Patriota: Wanton Wastes of Money, Manpower and Lives

Mickey Z.
The Granma Moses of Radical Writing: an Interview with William Blum

Greg Moses
The Same Old Struggle Against Imperial America

Sharon Smith
Abortion Rights and the Election: What Now?

Ron Jacobs
Sandwiches and Car Bombs

Ben Tripp
Raising d'Etre: Finding Money in Hollywood These Days

Richard Oxman
Basketbrawl Two Pointer: Iraq Rules!

Gilad Atzmon
Politics and Jazz

Poets' Basement
LaMorticella, Albert, Ford, & Anon.

Website of the Day
Voice of the Forest

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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December 27, 2004

"Civilization" vs. "Barbarism"

An Interview with Noam Chomsky

By M. JUNAID ALAM

On December 17th I met with Professor Noam Chomsky at his MIT office to get his thoughts on the ideological justifications and historical realities behind America's "war on terror." Professor Chomsky spent a half-hour taking apart the framework of "civilization" versus "barbarism," pointing to Western and particularly US state-sponsored atrocities, laying out the grave nature of war crimes committed in Iraq, attacking the intellectual culture which sanctions massive suffering, and explaining the elite's knowledge of the roots of terrorism. The transcript follows below.

Transcribed by the interviewer and slightly edited for clarification by Professor Chomsky

(double-hyphen "-"indicates a couple words not picked up)

Alam: Professor Chomsky, thank you for doing this interview with Left Hook.

In the time we have, I wanted to discuss with you the consequences and implications of America's current war stance, how some of its programs or objectives might be interrelated.

The first thing I wanted to bring up is, it seems that the general ideological picture painted for us by the administration and conservative outlets is that the overall so-called war on terror is about the "civilized" world combating "barbarism," a position Business Week recently voiced. In what ways do you think is ­ in what ways do you think this is historically or politically inaccurate, in terms of the scale and intensity of the crimes committed by ourselves versus the "barbarians," presumably Islamists and nationalists in Iraq and Palestine?

Chomsky: Well, it doesn't even come close. I mean, the level of destruction and terror and violence carried out by the powerful states far exceeds anything that can imaginably can be done by groups that are called terrorists and subnational groups.

I mean just take, say, Iraq. The best current estimate of deaths after the invasion is 100,000 maybe more, maybe less. Take a long time for Islamic terrorists to kill 100,000 people. Take say, the most extensive terrorist act attributed to Islamic terrorists,
9-11. About 3,000 people killed, which is a pretty horrible atrocity. But as atrocities go, it doesn't rank very high.

Take for example, what south of the Rio Grande is often called the other 9-11. September 11th, 1973, in which the United States was very heavily involved -- that's the bombing of the presidential palace, the military coup, the death of the president, the destruction of the leading democracy, the oldest democracy, in Latin America. The official death toll for that 9-11 is ­ the official death toll is over 3,000, but that's just the bodies they can actually count. The estimated toll is probably twice that. If you give that number in comparative terms, comparative population terms, that'd be the equivalent of about 50 to 100,000 people killed in the United States. We've just learned recently the detailed numbers of people tortured -- it's 30,000, that's 700,000 in the United States, thousands of cases of rapes and other abuse, and many people just lost, disappeared, who knows what happened to them.

It also set up international terrorist operations, under the rubric of what was called Operation Condor, which brought together similar state terrorist organizations in
neighboring countries which the US also had a major role in establishing...The US intelligence compared DINA, the Chilean state terror organization, compared them to the Gestapo and KGB. They didn't fool around, and that's the way they were viewed by the United States while the US was supporting them, and Britain was supporting them enthusiastically, and so on. In fact their international terror activities only stopped when they went one step too far. They murdered a well-known diplomat in Washington DC, and that's not allowed, so they were sort of called off and stayed pretty brutal, but not that bad.

Well that's one event ­ September 11th, 1973. Happens to be one in which the US was only indirectly involved. If we take those which the US carried out itself, then the scale isuncountable. I mean, take the one case where the US was indeed condemned for international terrorism and ordered to terminate the crime, namely the attack on Nicaragua, which went to the World Court. The World Court had to take a very narrow case, because the US had excluded itself from all international treaties. So the US cannot be brought to the World Court for major crimes, for example the supreme international crime, invasion, or violation of the UN Charter, or violation of the Genocide Convention, these are things the US is exempt from, because they exempted themselves from being subjected to international treaties in World Court proceedings.

 

So the World Court had to deal with Nicaragua case on extremely narrow grounds, just bilateral Nicaragua-US treaties, and customary international law. Nevertheless the Court condemned the US for what it called unlawful use of force, gave a pretty broad judgment, well beyond the actual terms of the case, ordered the US to terminate the crimes, pay substantial reparations. The US ignored the ruling, vetoed two Security Council resolutions affirming it, and went on with the war.

The end result was, again in per capita terms, about the equivalent of 2.5 million people being killed in the United States. More than the number of deaths in all wars including the Civil War in US history, destroyed the country, it's now the second poorest
country in the hemisphere. After the US took it over again in 1990, it went downhill further -- by now, it's estimated that over half the children under 2 are suffering from severe malnutrition, I mean, probable brain damage.

In the early 80's, when the US started the war, Nicaragua was being praised by international organizations, even international banks, for its substantial progress, won prizes for improvement, UNICEF prizes for ­ awards for improvement in child health and development. Now it's quite the opposite.

I mean this is a single incident, so it totally outweighs all terrorist activities you can attribute to anyone else, but it's not even worth discussing.

And that's only one, I'm not even talking about the major wars like say, Vietnam, which was straight aggression, can't call it terror, with, who knows, four million people or so killed, and people still dying from the effects of massive chemical warfare started by Kennedy. And that's just the United States. Take a look at other states, they're not as powerful as the US, but their violence is extraordinary ­ France in Africa, the British in Kenya and elsewhere, justfar beyond the scale of any terrorist activity.

Alam: So, so much for the framework of "civilization" versus "barbarism."

Chomsky: No, it's absurd, I mean look, let's just take ­ what's the worst atrocity since the Mongol invasions? You know, it's what happened in Germanyin the late 30's - 40's primarily. Germany was the peak of Western civilization. It was the most advanced society in the Western world, in the sciences, in the arts, in literature, the stellar example of Western civilization. In fact up until the first World War, when people turned anti-German, Germany had been described by American political scientists as the model of democracy. That's the peak of Western civilization ­ yeah, it's the worst barbarism since the Mongol invasion. What kind of correlations can one make?

Alam: It's interesting to note that ­ you mentioned a little bit the 100,000 casualties ­ it's interesting to note that while much media attention here is focused on the sensationalistic and gruesome beheadings of perhaps a few dozen foreigners in Iraq, the same media is more or less silent about the Lancet report ­ Lancet being the British medical journal ­ that said about 100,000 Iraqi civilians were killed, mostly by US bombing, and also missing in the media is talk about the Iraqi children's malnutrition rates which have apparently doubled.

Chomsky: They're worse than - at the level of Burundi ­ they're worse than
Uganda and Haiti ­ and that's since the war.

Alam: That actually reminded me of-

Chomsky: In fact the way the media treated this Lancet report is kind of interesting. I mean it was mentioned ­ it's not that you couldn't find it. But it was either ignored or downplayed. The standard reaction to it was well, that it was just a sample.

Alam: Exactly

Chomsky: How do you know it was accurate, and maybe the number was smaller ­ and they [Lancet] actually did give a spread, which was 8,000 to 200,000, which is ­

Alam: Excluding Fallujah, too.

Chomsky: Well, let's look at how they did it. The highest probability estimate was around 100,000. The immediate reaction has been well, maybe it's much lower. Yeah, maybe it's much lower ­ maybe it's much higher. In fact they did it very conservatively. They excluded Fallujah because that would have raised the estimate, the extrapolated estimate, they included the Kurdish areas, no fighting there, which would reduce the extrapolated estimate, and in general they did a careful and rather conservative analysis.

But it's either been ignored or the silly claim has been made that, well it's only an estimate, so maybe it's too high ­ true, it's only an estimate, so maybe it's too low. In fact that's the way every study is done of estimated casualties or health studies and so on. But whatever it is, whether it's 50,000 or 150,000, or whatever the number might be, it's obviously a major atrocity.

And in fact, it's not exactly correct that the media haven't reported the war crimes. They often report them and celebrate them. So take for example the invasion of Fallujah, which is one of the ­ it's a major war crime, it's very similar to the Russian destruction of Grozny 10 years earlier, a city of approximately the same size, bombed to rubble, people driven out.

Alam: They herded all the males, I think, they didn't let them escape the corridor.

Chomsky: Which incidentally is very much like Srebrenica ­ which is universally condemned as genocide -- Srebrenica was an enclave, lightly protected by UN forces, which was being used as a base for attacking nearby Serb villages. It was known that there's going to be retaliation. When there was a retaliation, it was vicious. They trucked out all the women and children, they kept the men inside, and apparently slaughtered them. The estimates are thousands of people slaughtered.

Well, with Fallujah, the US didn't truck out the women and children, it bombed them out. There was about a month of bombing, bombed out of the city, if they could get out somehow, a couple hundred thousand people fled, or somehow got out, and as you say men were kept in and we don't know what happened after that, we don't estimate [the casualties for which we are responsible].

 

But what was dramatic about Fallujah was that it was not kept secret. So you could see on the front page of the New York Times, a big picture of the first majorstep in the offensive, namely the capture of the Fallujah general hospital. And there's a picture of people lying on the ground, soldier guarding them, and then there's a story that tells that patients and doctors were taken from ­ patients were taken from their beds, patients and doctors were forced to lie on the floor and manacled, under guard, and the picture described it.

-- The president of the United States is subject to death penalty under US law for that crime - alone. I mean that's a grave breach of the Geneva Conventions, Geneva Conventions say explicitly and unambiguously that hospitals must be protected, hospitals and medical staff and patients must be protected by all combatants in any conflict. You couldn't have a more grave breach of the Geneva Conventions than that.

There's a War Crimes Act in the United States passed by a Republican Congress in 1996, which says that grave breaches of the Geneva Convention are subject to the death penalty. And that doesn't mean the soldier that committed them, that means the commanders. They weren't thinking about the United States of course, but take it literally, that's what it means.

 

And then they went onto explain why they carried out this war crime in the general hospital. New York Times explained calmly that it was done because the US command described the Fallujah general hospital as a propaganda outlet for the guerrillas because they were reporting casualties. I -- don't know if the Nazis produced things like that. Of course the Times said it was "inflated" casualties - how do we know it was inflated?

Alam: We don't even count'em.

Chomsky: Well our Dear Leader said it was inflated, so that means that since we're like North Korea, it has to be inflated. But suppose it was. I mean the idea of carrying out a major war crime, explicit, because the hospital was a propaganda weapon by distributing casualty figures, I mean you really have to work to find an analog to that.

And then it went on, destroying the whole city. Finally they end up saying well the Marines are going to face a serious challenge of regaining the confidence of the people of Fallujah after having destroyed their city. Yeah, it's going to be a pretty serious challenge. It's also described how they're going to do it ­ by instituting a police state.

Alam: Right.

Chomsky: Nobody will be allowed into Fallujah until they undergo retinal scans and fingerprinting and they're going to be marked and identified, do everything except put chips in them, maybe they'll get to that next time, organize them into work gangs, in which they'll be compelled under the order to rebuild what the US has destroyed. Try and find a counterpart to that. And that's just <i>one</i> war crime, one part of the general atrocities.

In fact, you could argue that it's insignificant. By the principles of the Nuremberg Tribunal, which the US initiated and carried out, it concluded that the supreme international crime is invasion, aggression, and that supreme crime includes within it all the evil that follows. So therefore the doubling of malnutrition rates, the maybe 100,000 casualties, the grave war crimes in Fallujah, they're all footnotes, they're footnotes to the supreme international crime.

And that crime is taken pretty seriously. In Nuremberg they did not try soldiers, and they didn't try company commanders, they tried the ­ the people who were on trial and hanged - were the top command. Like the German Foreign Minister was hanged. Because of participation in the supreme international crime which encompasses all the evil that follows. Do we hear anything about that?

Alam: Right.

Chomsky: But you can't say it's concealed. What I've just talked about is all quoted from the front pages. Which is even more astonishing. Actually, you know, that, however awful it is, it's a big improvement over the past. I mean <i>much</i> worse than this was happening in Vietnam and there wasn't even any concern. It's hard to say the words, but there's been a lot of progress since then. I mean now at least many people find it appalling. It went on in Vietnam at a much higher level for <i>years</i>, literally years, and there was no protest at all. I mean the war in Vietnam started in 1962, was really a war against South Vietnam. Kennedy launched it in 1962, was very brutal from the start. Bombing, chemical warfare, to destroy crops and cover to undercut support for indigenous guerrillas -- driving millions of people into what amounted to concentration camps, or urban slums.

By the time protests developed, 1966 or 67, South Vietnam had virtually been destroyed. I mean the leading and most respected rather hawkish military analyst on Vietnam,
[the Indochina] specialist Bernard Fall, by 1966 and 67, was writing he wondered whether Vietnam as a historic and cultural entity would escape extinction, under the heaviest attack that had ever been suffered by an area that size. Well, [for]
years there was almost no protest. Bad now, but a lot of improvement in the last 33 years.

Alam: This brings to mind actually, for me anyway, a quote, from Mark Twain's Connecticut Yankee, maybe you could find something in it to comment on, he wrote ­ of the French Revolution I think he was speaking of :

"There were two 'Reigns of Terror' if we would remember it and consider it; the one wrought in hot passion, the other in heartless cold bloodour shudders are all for the 'horrors' of the minor Terror, the momentary Terror, so to speak, whereas, what is the horror of swift death by the axe compared with lifelong death from hunger, cold, insult, cruelty, and heartbreak? A city cemetery could contain the coffins filled by that brief Terror which we have all been so diligently taught to shiver at and mourn over; but all France could hardly contain the coffins filled by that older and real Terror, that unspeakably bitter and awful Terror, which none of us have been taught to see in its vastness or pity as it deserves."

Do you think one of the functions of the mainstream media in either not really allowing the ­ allowing for the vastness or the pity of the crimes that are deserved to be seen or really experienced ­ is that simply reflecting the prejudices and racism of American society, or is it actually creating the prejudices of American society?

Chomsky: The media are, in this respect, just part of the general intellectual culture, which includes all of us, including you and me. I mean, we don't see, we prefer not to see the horrible crimes that are going on all the time, which we could do something about easily. So take say, we just passed the 10th anniversary of the Rwanda massacres, which were pretty horrible, maybe 8,000 people killed a day for a 100 days. Pretty awful massacre. And there's a lot of wringing of hands and lamentations about how we didn't do anything about it, we didn't intervene, we didn't send military forces, and so on, wasn't that terrible. Well yeah, it was pretty terrible, but let's take a look at today.

Right now, about the same number of people, about 8,000 people, about 8,000 children in fact, are dying in southern Africa every day from easily treatable diseases. We add hunger, it's going to go way up, let's keep to easily treatable diseases. That's Rwanda-level killing among children only, in southern Africa, not for 100 days, but every day. There's a very easy way to deal with it, namely bribe pharmaceutical corporations to provide them with drugs and the limited infrastructure that's required. [But almost no one is] talking about it. I mean that's far worse than Rwanda.

Furthermore if we go a step further and ask ourselves ­ speaking of barbarism ­ what kind of society do we live in where the only way we can think of preventing Rwanda-level killing among children everyday is by bribing private tyrannies to do something about it. I mean that itself is beyond barbarism.

But we accept that, we don't think about it, we prefer not to think about it. It's not that we worry about small crimes rather than big ones, it's that attention is focused on anything that's done against us. What we do to others just doesn't matter. And it's not specific to the United States, it's quite general. It's an unfortunate part of dominant cultures and powerful societies.

Alam: With all the grandiose rhetoric about "barbarism," it's also interesting to note that the Pentagon's own Defense Science Board, composed of top military commanders and intelligence figures, issued a report about two months ago declaring that resentment in the Islamic world is mainly due to US support for Israel and US support for Arab dictatorships, and not about an inner hatred or hatred of Western values themselves. But if the top people in the Pentagon and the military understand this, then why is there such a large disconnect in what they themselves concede and what they say ­ I mean what are the strategic imperatives that are so great that they are willing to incur the wrath?

Chomsky: That was an interesting report [interruption, door is opened, background noise continues from here on] ­ this Pentagon report which was sort of interesting, is virtually a repetition, almost a verbatim repetition of a report by the NSC in 1958 when President Eisenhower raised the question with his staff, why there is a campaign of hatred against us in the Arab world, and not among governments but from the people. That's Eisenhower, 1958, why is there a campaign of hatred against us in the Arab world. An answer was given in an analysis by the National Security Council in 1958: it's because there's a perception in the Arab that the United States supports brutal and repressive regimes and blocks democracy and development, and we do it because we want to get control of oil and resources ­ their oil. That's 1958. And they went on to say, yes the perception's accurate, and we're going to continue doing it. That's been perfectly well known for years that that was the case.

It's exacerbated further by specific policies. Right after 9-11, as far as I know one newspaper in the United States had the integrity to investigate opinion in the Muslim world, the Wall Street Journal. They kept to the people they cared about, what they called moneyed Muslims, managers of multinational corporations, international lawyers, you know ­ their type of people ­ so there's no concern about globalization or anything else, they're part of the US-run system. But they had the same results they had as in 1958, as the Pentagon just reported. They hate and fear bin Laden, who's trying to destroy them, but nevertheless they express understanding for the position that he articulates, and they hate US policy, because it supports brutal and oppressive regimes, blocks democracy and development, because of the support for Israeli aggression and atrocities at that time, because of the Iraq sanctions, which were killing hundreds of thousands of people, devastating society, and caused enormous anger.

The Pentagon report is just repeating what anybody knew who had their eyes open. The fact that it was regarded as a surprise in the United States just shows how much intellectuals prefer to keep their eyes closed. What they said is correct, furthermore you can read it - it's articulated almost the same way in 1958, it's found in every study since. Furthermore you can find it any book on terrorism ­ any serious book on terrorism, not just anyone ranting and screaming ­ but someone taking it seriously, say, Jason Burke's study of al-Qaeda, which is the best one around, or just about anyone you pick.

They don't hate our freedom, you know, what they hate is US policies, and for good reason, because those policies have been crushing them for years. So yeah, they hate the policies. Pentagon just discovered ­ re-discovered ­ what everybody with eyes open already knew, and these 1958 reports have been declassified for about 15 years, I was writing about them in 1990. Just better not to ­ it's easier to just stand on a pedestal and scream about Islamic fascism and how it's trying to destroy us. It doesn't require thinking about the policies and doing something about them.

Furthermore that's true of what's called terrorism in general ­ I mean, it doesn't come out of nowhere. Take say the IRA ­ which the US was pretty much supporting, it was being funded ­ IRA terrorism, which was pretty serious ­ was being funded from the United States including church collections, FBI knew about it, wouldn't do anything about it. It was pretty awful, but it was not without reasons, it did draw on a reservoir of sympathy among the population, who understood the grievances that they were talking about were real...In fact when the British finally responded not by greater violence, but by paying some attention to the grievances, it led to significant improvements. In fact, big improvements. Of course, Belfast is not heaven, but it's enormously improved over what it was ten years ago.

And that's generally the case. And furthermore every serious specialist on terrorism knows it. You take a look at say, Israeli intelligence, I mean the former heads of this Shin Bet have spoken about this - the current ones can't but the former ones have - the former heads of military intelligence, and they all said the same thing: until you treat the Palestinians with respect, until you grant them their elementary rights, you're never going to stop terrorism. That's the way to do it ­ they have grievances, the grievances are real, we're treating them with contempt and humiliation and destruction, we're stealing their land and resources. [There's something like a] near-universal consensus on this, among people who care about the topic.

[Interruption, another interview beckons]

Alam: Thank you very much Professor, thank you for your time.

M. Junaid Alam is co-editor of the radical youth journal Left Hook, where this interview originally appeared. He can be reached at alam@lefthook.org

 

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