How
the Press &
the CIA Killed Gary Webb's Career
Today's
Stories
December 27,
2004
Saul Landau
James
Cason's Cuban Delusions
December 25
/ 26, 2004
Alexander Cockburn
Yup,
It's Moral Outrage Time
Diane Christian
The Christmas Christ
Dr. Susan Block
Faith-Based Sex
Gary Leupp
Rumsfeld, His Critics and the Draft
Ron Jacobs
Music in Wartime
Elaine Cassel
Articles I Didn't Write
Jim Minick
Beyond Organic
Poets Basement
Louise, Landau, Orloski, Albert
and Collins
December 24,
2004
Diane Christian
Winning:
Rummy and John Milton
Chad Nagle
Ukraine's
Real Underdog
Saul Landau
My Friend Richard Barnet
Greg Moses
Ramsey Muniz Speaks
Joe DeRaymond
The Endless War in Colombia: a View From Within
Borzou Daragahi
Iraq's Christians: Tolerated by Saddam; Targets Under Occupation
Mike Whitney
Rummy's Quagmire of Lies
Francis A. Boyle
O Little Town of Bethlehem: Another Christmas Under Occupation
William Loren
Katz
Florida 1837: Christmas Eve Resistance to the First US Occupation

December 23,
2004
Chad Nagle
Report
from Kiev: Yushchenko's Not Quite Ready for Sainthood
David Smith-Ferri
The
Real UN Disgrace in Iraq
Bill Quigley
Death
Watch for Human Rights in Haiti
Mickey Z.
Crumbs
from Our Table
Christopher Brauchli
Merck's Merry X-mas
Greg Moses
When
No Law Means No Law
Alan Singer
An
Encounter with Sen. Schumer: a Very Dangerous Democrat
David Price
Social
Security Pump and Dump
Website of the Day
Gabbo Gets Laid

December 22,
2004
James Petras
An
Open Letter to Saramago: Nobel Laureate Suffers from a Bizarre
Historical Amnesia
Omar Barghouti
The Case for Boycotting Israel
Patrick Cockburn / Jeremy Redmond
They Were Waiting on Chicken Tenders When the Rounds Hit
Harry Browne
Northern Ireland: No Postcards from the Edge
Richard Oxman
On the Seventh Column
Kathleen Christison
Imagining
Palestine
Website of the Day
FBI Torture Memos
December 21,
2004
Greg Moses
The
New Zeus on the Block: Unplugging Al-Manar TV
Dave Lindorff
Losing
It in America: Bunker of the Skittish
Chad Nagle
The View from Donetsk
Dragon Pierces
Truth*
Concrete
Colossus vs. the River Dragon: Dislocation and Three Gorges Dam
Patrick Cockburn
"Things Always Get Worse"
Seth DeLong
Aiding Oppression in Haiti
Ahmad Faruqui
Pakistan and the 9/11 Commission's Report
Paul Craig
Roberts
America
Locked Up: a System of Injustice

December 20,
2004
Gary Leupp
Japan
in Iraq
Robert Fisk
An
Army Without Compassion
Uri Avnery
The Mountain and the Mouse
Francisco Letelier
My Case Against Pinochet
Patrick Cockburn
The Polls of Fear
Bill Conroy
Charles Bowden on the Legacy of Gary Webb: "He Drew Blood"
Yoshie Furuhashi
Chokeholds of a Giant: Attacking Wal-Mart's Supply Chain
David Swanson
Media Blackout of Bush's War on Labor
Chad Nagle
Did Yushchenko Poison Himself?
December 18
/ 19, 2004
Alexander Cockburn
Why
They Hated Gary Webb
Saul Landau
Gen.
Pinochet Should Also Face Charges in DC
Patrick Cockburn
Losing
Mosul: Once They Called It a Model for the Occupation
Douglas Valentine
Wolves
and Revolution in Venezuela: a Caracas Romance
Ray McGovern
Laughing Dragon, Dancing Bear: the New China / Russia Alliance
Fred Gardner
DEA Upholds Grower's Marijuana Monopoly
Jean-Guy Allard
Locked Up Naked in a Hole Within a Hole: Have the Cuban 5 Been
Tortured in US Prisons?
Ron Jacobs
Drifters Escape, Again: Encounters with Berkeley's Police
Raymond G.
Helmick, S.J.
The Law and Peace in the Middle East
Sean Sellers
Values Voters, Desperate Housewives and Sweatshop Tacos
Lee Sustar
Christmas
on the Picket Line at CNH: "They Want to Break Our Unions"
Richard Thieme
Webb's Wife: "Gary Was Never the Same After They Attacked
Him"
Sam Bahour
WANTED:
Middle East Negotiator
Joshua Frank
The
Spin Doctor: an Interview with Mickey Z.
Dave Lindorff
A Man Who Confers with God Should Have Good Hearing
Stan Cox
What Kids Cost: Dallas v. Delhi
Chris Frasier
Farming By Numbers: More Poets, Fewer MBAs
Poets' Basement
Katz, Melek, Harley, Albert and Ford
December
17, 2004
Cockburn /
St. Clair
CounterAttack:
How the Press and the CIA Killed Gary Webb's Career
Dave Lindorff
Racism:
Philly Style
Dan Bacher
Bush Abandons Salmon Restoration
Marisa Jacott
NAFTA and the Environment: Trade Still Runs Roughshod
Francis Thicke
How Now, Industrial Cow?
Rupert Cornwell
The Inuit Strike Back
Website of the Day
Franz Boas Unrolls Over in His Grave
December
16, 2004
Michael
Neumann
How We Became Barbarians
Merlin
Chowkwanyun
An Interview with Ralph Nader
Gabriel
Espinoza Gonzales
The Dubious Career of John Bolton
Christopher
Brauchli
Louis Freeh's New Gig: Usurer
Patrick
Cockburn
Allawi's Pre-Election Ploy: Putting "Chemical Ali"
on Trial
Mike
Whitney
Gearing Up for a Draft?
Walter
Brasch
Hillbilly Humvees and Rumsfeld's New Physics
Bill
Conroy
How Gary Webb Saved My Ass from the FBI
Website
of the Day
Saturday Memorial for Gary Webb
December
15, 2004
Robert
Fisk
Who Killed Baha Mousa?
Jennifer
Van Bergen
The Monster Under the Bed
Heather
Gray
Will the Real Christians Please Stand?: a Personal Testimony
Dave
Lindorff
The DNC, Albright and the Iraq Elections
Luis
Hernandez Navarro
To Die a Little: Migration and Coffee
in Mexico and Central America
Joshua
Frank
The Ohio Recount: an Exercise in "Dumbocracy"
Greg
Moses
Eighty-Sixing Civil Rights in Ohio?
George
Caffentzis
The Petroleum Commons
December
14, 2004
Dave
Lindorff
DNC Meddling in the Ukraine Elections
Larry
Birns / Seth DeLong
Haiti is Unraveling and No One is Saying
Anything
Richard
Thieme
My Last Talk with Gary Webb: "I Knew It Was the Truth and
That's What Kept Me Going"
Patrick
Cockburn
A Year After Saddam's Capture, Iraq
is Getting Worse
Chris
Floyd
Client State: Moral Values and Voluntary Servitude in Bush's
America
Akiva
Eldar
A One-time Hanukkah Miracle
Burbach
/ Cantor
The Legacy of Pinochet: Kissinger
and the Teflon Tyrant

December
13, 2004
Cockburn
/ St. Clair
Gary Webb: a Great Reporter, Trashed
by the CIA's Claque
David
Phinney
"Contract Meal Disaster" for Iraqi Prisoners: Rancid
Food Sparked Abu Ghraib Riots
Paul
Craig Roberts
A Dose of Non-Delusional Reality
for Douglas Feith
M.
Junaid Alam
The War is the War Crime
Robert
Jensen
The US Has Lost the Iraq War...and That's a Good Thing
Richard
Oxman
Kafkaesque Lessons for the Left
Greg
Moses
Send No Messengers of Defeat
Douglas
Lummis
The Pentagon's Neurosis: Fallujah
Gulag
December
11 / 12, 2004
Alexander
Cockburn
Running an Empire on the Cheap
Ron
Jacobs
The Drugs of War: Getting High in the Green Zone?
Saul
Landau
Listening and Talking to God About
Invading Other Countries
Gary
Leupp
Bush's Capital
Sharon
Smith
The Horrible Toll on US Troops
Dave
Lindorff
Deja Vu All Over Again: 5,000 Desertions and Counting
Uri
Avnery
The Boss Has Gone Crazy
Jude
Wanniski
The Neo-Con Smear on Kofi Annan: What Food-for-Oil Scandal?
Heather
Gray
How the South Became Republican: an Interview with John Egerton
Patrick
Cockburn / Ken Sengupta
Fallujah: the Homecoming and the Homeless
John
Pilger
Return to Kosovo: Calling the Humanitarian Bombers to Account
Joshua
Frank
All the Rage: Mr. Solomon, Say You're Sorry
Ben
Tripp
O Canada!: the Truth About the Election of 2004
John
Stanton
God Speaks!
Laura
Nathan
Porn Stars are People, Too: a Talk with Christi Lake
Poets'
Basement
Capaccio, Davies, Louise, Ford and Albert
Website
of the Day
Fallujah Photos: Killed in Their Beds
December
10, 2004
Ralph
Nader
President Bush, Stop Destroying the
Mosques of Iraq
Greg
Moses
Whitewashing Voter Fraud
Nicole
Colson
Rebellion in the Ranks: Grunts Are Resisting Stop-Loss Orders
Frederick
B. Hudson
"They Still Got Those Dogs": A New Book Probes Old
Civil Rights Lessons
Patrick
Cockburn
Iraq's Insurgents Oppose the Occupation, Not the Elections
Kathy
Kelly
From Haiti to Iraq: Burying Water

December
9, 2004
Greg
Moses
Ask Not Who Bankrolled Fallujah
Joshua
Frank
Cobb and the Ohio Recount: Vote Fraud as Fundraiser!
Ralph
Nader
An Open Letter to Bush: It's Time to
Disclose the Real Casualty Figures
Lee
Sustar
Bhopal: the Making of a Disaster
Tom
Barry
Restrictionist Resurgence
Mickey
Z.
Sander Hicks and the 9/11 Truth Movement
Christopher
Brauchli
Bush in the Bubble
Mark
Donham
Why are House Democrats Trying to
Deny Cynthia McKinney Seniority?
Gary
Corseri
On the Anniversary of John Lennon's Death, 2012
Paul
de Rooij
The Voices of Sharon's Little Helpers

December
8, 2004
Ralph
Nader
Will the Real Michael Moore Ever Re-Emerge?
Ann
Harrison
The Ohio Recount: Reluctant Officials
and Few Rules
Paul
Craig Roberts
War Crime
Dave
Lindorff
They've Got a Secret: Inside the $40 Billion Black Budget for
Spying
Patrick
Cockburn / Andrew Buncombe
CIA Warning on Iraq: Fallujah Did Not Break the Back of the Insurgency
Col.
Dan Smith
Rules of Engagement in Iraq
Emily
Alves / Michael Johnson
Paradise Lost: Corruption and Clientelism in Costa Rica
Richard
Oxman
The Dylan Bob Wouldn't Mention: Up With Dylan Thomas
Ron
Jacobs
In Fallujah, Freedom Isn't Free

December
7, 2004
Patrick
Cockburn
Running Battles in Baghdad
Behrooz
Ghamari
Lost Muslim Voices of Dissent
Dave
Lindorff
American Fantasies: Psst! Hey Buddy,
Did You Hear How Well the War's Going?
Joshua
Frank
Dean at the DNC?
Richard
Oxman
Down with Dylan: the Insufferable Interview
Ray
McGovern
All Mosquitoes, No Swamp
John
Chuckman
The Invasion of Hallifax: The Imperial Wizard Visits Canada
James
Petras
Latin America: the Empire Changes Gears
Website
of the Day
ToxMap: Who's Poisoning You

December
6, 2004
Paul
Craig Roberts
Paranoia and Pre-emption: Is the
Bush Administration Certifiable?
December
4 / 6, 2004
Alexander
Cockburn
Politicize the CIA? You've Got to
be Kidding
Joe
Bageant
Dining with the Rhinos
Alan
Maass
Reporting from the Ground in Iraq: an Interview with Patrick
Cockburn
Brian
Cloughley
Democracy, Bush-style, in the Gulf
Laura
Carlsen
Latin America Shifts Left
Lenni
Brenner
Jefferson, Madison, Bush and Religion
Anna
Ioakimedes
Brazil's Haitian Mission: Doing God's Work or Washington's?
Uri
Avnery
Widow of Opportunity?
Fred
Gardner
Supreme Court Hears Medical Pot Case
Dave
Zirin
Steroids to Heaven
Jackie
Corr
Mining Camp Blues: the Red State Variation
Don
Fitz
Will Greens Abandon IRV?
Lucy
Herschel
"Art can be a Weapon of the Oppressed": an Interview
with Artist Anthony Papa
Richard
Oxman
No Angels in America: Bashing the Gay Play
Ron
Jacobs
Holiday Greeting Card
Poets'
Basement
Collins, Albert, LaMorticella

December
3, 2004
Dave
Lindorff
Lie Then Escalate
Ben
Tripp
Fun With Boycotts: How to Shop in a
Time of Crisis
Joe
Allen
Murder in El Salvador: the Assassination of Teamster Organizer
Gilberto Soto
Matthew
B. Riley
Human Rights Court Fails Lori Berenson
Meir
Shalev
In the End, It is the Violin that Wins
Bob
Wing
The White Elephant in the Room: Race and Election 2004
Christopher
Brauchli
When McCain Bit His Tongue
Sasan
Fayazmanesh
The EU, the US, Israel and Iran
December
2, 2004
Tito
Tricot
No Justice in Chile: I'm a Torture
Survivor in a Country Where Torturers Still Run Free
Behzad
Yaghmaian
The Murder of Theo Van Gogh and Muslim Migration
Dr.
Susan Block
Lana and Me: Meetings with Remarkable Apes
Frank
/ Chowkwanyun
Liberalism and Its Bounds
Lee
Sustar
Standoff in Ukraine: the Bad v. the Corrupt
Patrick
Cockburn
Another Grim Record in Iraq
Mark
Engler
Seattle at Five
Michael
Donnelly
Something Stinks in South Bend: the Firing of Tyrone Willingham
Nate
Collins
The Bay Area Mall on an Ohlone Burial Grounds
Saul
Landau
The Assassination of Danilo Anderson
December
1, 2004
Phillip
Cryan
Associated with Whom? Rightist Bias
in Wire Coverage of Colombia
Dave
Zirin
What's the Matter with "Leon"?:
Budweiser's Racist Commercial
Ghali
Hassan
Iraq's Health Care Under the Occupation:
200 Children Die Every Day
Donna
J. Volatile
Beware Western Nations Threatening "Democracy"
Patrick
Cockburn
How Saddam Tried to Arm the Insurgency
Nick
Meo
Chemical War Over Afghanistan
Mike
Ferner
The Battle of Toledo
Mokhiber
/ Weissman
Shame and Determination on Global AIDS Day: 40 Million and Rising
Kathy
Kelly
Looking the Other Way: the Real Crimes
of the UN in Iraq
November
30, 2004
Jennifer
Van Bergen
The Veil of Secrecy
Toni
Nelson Herrera
Meeting Kurtz: When Art is a Crime
Paul
Craig Roberts
The Bush Delusions: Successful at Incompetence
Patrick
Cockburn
The Insurgency Strikes Back: There Are No Safe Havens in Iraq
Chuck
Munson
WTO Protests Five Years Later: Seattle Weekly Trashes Anti-Globalization
Movement
Adam
Williams
Citizenship Sold: Back to Business in Indiana
Gregory
Elich
A Dangerous Turn in the US Plans for
North Korea
Website
of the Day
Read Lynne Cheney's Lesbian Novel Online!
November
29, 2004
Dave
Lindorff
Blowback in Ukraine: The Hand of
the CIA?
Omar
Barghouti
"The Pianist" of Palestine:
Roadblock Concerto at Gunpoint
Mike
Whitney
The US Media and Fallujah: How to
Market a Siege
Uri
Avnery
The Abu Mazen Style: "Give Me
Some Credit!"
Matt
Vidal
Globalization and Economic Inequality: a Look at the Numbers
Patrick
Cockburn
An Interview with Iraq's Foreign
Minister
Alan
Farago
Sex Change and Salvation: God, Girly Men and Endocrine Disrupters
Justin
Huggler
Bhopal 20 Years Later
Antony
Loewenstein
How Australia Reported Arafat's Death and Legacy
Gary
Leupp
Ukraine: Poll Results Aren't the Real
Issue
Website
of the Day
Mosul: Images from a Kill Zone
November
27 / 28, 2004
Peter
Linebaugh
Torture & Neo-Liberalism with
Sycorax in Iraq
Alexander
Cockburn
What Happened to O'Reilly's Loofa?
Fred
Gardner
Ashcroft v. Raich: Medical Marijuana and the Supreme Court
Kathy
Kelly
What We Can Control
Diane
Christian
The Other Cheek: "Empire Doesn't Analyze, It Acts"
Gary
Leupp
One More Neocon Target: South (Yes, South) Korea
Lenni
Brenner
Equality and Rights of Return: Jefferson Instructs the New York
Times
Ron
Jacobs
Death Squads and Iraq's Elections: the Mysterious Murders of
the AMS Clerics
Joshua
Frank
An Interview with Kevin Zeese on Nader, Kerry and the ABB Crowd
Toni
Solo
The Murder of Danilo Anderson
Saul
Landau
Fallujah, the 21st Century Guernica
JoAnn
Wypijewski
Matthew Shepard Case 6 Years Later: Why Hate Crimes Laws are
No Cure for Homophobia
Justin
Taylor
Empire's Lawless Opportunities
Amos
Harel
The Case of Captain R.
Walter
A. Davis
Tabloid Justice
Stephen
Hendricks
God's Kind of Men
Poets'
Basement
Albert, LaMorticella and Ford
November
26, 2004
Peter
Feng
Gavin Newsom: Man or Machine?
Greg
Moses
It's the White Vote, Stupid
Liaquat
Ali Khan
The Devil's Work: Bush's Minority Appointments
Michael
Mandel / Gail Davidson
Why Bush Should Be Banned from Canada: a Memo to the Ministry
of Immigration
Dave
Lindorff
Nation of Sheep, Turkey of an Election: Urkrainians Show the
Way
Gary
Corseri
When Black Friday Comes...
Paul
Craig Roberts
Whatever Happened to Conservatives?
Website
of the Day
Iraq Pipeline Watch
November
25, 2004
Willliam
Loren Katz
Giving Thanks to Whom?: "Thanks
to God We Sent 600 Heathen Souls to Hell Today"
Mitchel
Cohen
Why I Hate Thanksgiving
Mike
Ferner
An Uncommon Mom
November
24, 2004
Gila
Svirsky
License to Kill: the Example of Violence
is Set by the State
Winslow
T. Wheeler
The
Other Mess in Congress
Christopher
Brauchli
The Company He Keeps: the Syndicate of Tom Delay
Dave
Lindorff
Double Standards on Exit Polls: Hypocrisy Sans Irony
Ron
Jacobs
The Occupation of Iraq is the Root of t he Problem
Ken
Sengupta
Witnesses: War Crimes in Fallujah
Diana
Barahona
The Final Holocaust or Why I Voted for Ralph Nader
John
L. Hess
Safire the Shameless
Jason
Leopold
Did Harvard Hire (Another) War Criminal?
Jeffrey
St. Clair
The Mark of McCain: the Senator Most Likely to Start a Nuclear
War
Map
of the Day
Now and Then: 2004 v. 1860
November
23, 2004
Forrest
Hylton
Bush and Uribe at the Beach
November
22, 2004
Dave
Zirin
Fight Night in the NBA: Selective Outrage
in Detroit
Paul
Craig Roberts
On to Iran: We Won't Get Fooled Again?
Michael
Mandel / Gail Davidson
Why Bush Should be Banned from Canada
Kathie
Helmkamp
Our Son: a Marine Who Won't Kill
Ken
Sengupta
The Triangle of Death: "This is Now the Most Dangerous Place
in Iraq"
Mike
Whitney
Greenspan's Hammer
Roger
Burbach
Why They Hate Bush in Chile
Website
of the Day
Fed Up with Government Lies and Corporate Spin?
November
20 / 21, 2004
Alexander
Cockburn
The Poisoned Chalice
Todd
May
Religion, the Election and the Politics of Fear
Abbas
Ahmed Ibrahim
The Horrors of Fallujah: a First-Hand Account
Kevin
Zeese
Mishandling Nader
Landau
/ Hassen
After Arafat
Tom
Barry
The Vulcans Consolidate Power: The Rise of Stephen Hadley
Fred
Gardner
Pot Shots: Ask Dr. Todd
Justin
E.H. Smith
Triumph of the Will: the Sequel
Carl
Estabrook
Where We Are Now
Gary
Leupp
Imperial History-Making vs. Reality-Based Thought: a Dialogue
Dave
Lindorff
Apocalypse Soon
Jenna
Michelle Liut
Plans Colombia and Patriota: Wanton Wastes of Money, Manpower
and Lives
Mickey
Z.
The Granma Moses of Radical Writing: an Interview with William
Blum
Greg
Moses
The Same Old Struggle Against Imperial America
Sharon
Smith
Abortion Rights and the Election: What Now?
Ron
Jacobs
Sandwiches and Car Bombs
Ben
Tripp
Raising d'Etre: Finding Money in Hollywood These Days
Richard
Oxman
Basketbrawl Two Pointer: Iraq Rules!
Gilad
Atzmon
Politics and Jazz
Poets'
Basement
LaMorticella, Albert, Ford, & Anon.
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|
December 27, 2004
"Civilization" vs. "Barbarism"
An
Interview with Noam Chomsky
By
M. JUNAID ALAM
On December 17th I met with Professor
Noam Chomsky at his MIT office to get his thoughts on the ideological
justifications and historical realities behind America's "war
on terror." Professor Chomsky spent a half-hour taking apart
the framework of "civilization" versus "barbarism,"
pointing to Western and particularly US state-sponsored atrocities,
laying out the grave nature of war crimes committed in Iraq,
attacking the intellectual culture which sanctions massive suffering,
and explaining the elite's knowledge of the roots of terrorism.
The transcript follows below.
Transcribed by the interviewer
and slightly edited for clarification by Professor Chomsky
(double-hyphen "-"indicates
a couple words not picked up)
Alam: Professor Chomsky, thank you for doing this
interview with Left Hook.
In the time we have, I wanted
to discuss with you the consequences and implications of America's
current war stance, how some of its programs or objectives might
be interrelated.
The first thing I wanted to
bring up is, it seems that the general ideological picture painted
for us by the administration and conservative outlets is that
the overall so-called war on terror is about the "civilized"
world combating "barbarism," a position Business
Week recently voiced. In what ways do you think is
in what ways do you think this is historically or politically
inaccurate, in terms of the scale and intensity of the crimes
committed by ourselves versus the "barbarians," presumably
Islamists and nationalists in Iraq and Palestine?
Chomsky: Well, it doesn't even come close.
I mean, the level of destruction and terror and violence carried
out by the powerful states far exceeds anything that can imaginably
can be done by groups that are called terrorists and subnational
groups.
I mean just take, say, Iraq.
The best current estimate of deaths after the invasion is 100,000
maybe more, maybe less. Take a long time for Islamic terrorists
to kill 100,000 people. Take say, the most extensive terrorist
act attributed to Islamic terrorists,
9-11. About 3,000 people killed, which is a pretty horrible atrocity.
But as atrocities go, it doesn't rank very high.
Take for example, what south
of the Rio Grande is often called the other 9-11. September 11th,
1973, in which the United States was very heavily involved --
that's the bombing of the presidential palace, the military coup,
the death of the president, the destruction of the leading democracy,
the oldest democracy, in Latin America. The official death toll
for that 9-11 is the official death toll is over 3,000,
but that's just the bodies they can actually count. The estimated
toll is probably twice that. If you give that number in comparative
terms, comparative population terms, that'd be the equivalent
of about 50 to 100,000 people killed in the United States. We've
just learned recently the detailed numbers of people tortured
-- it's 30,000, that's 700,000 in the United States, thousands
of cases of rapes and other abuse, and many people just lost,
disappeared, who knows what happened to them.
It also set up international
terrorist operations, under the rubric of what was called Operation
Condor, which brought together similar state terrorist organizations
in
neighboring countries which the US also had a major role in establishing...The
US intelligence compared DINA, the Chilean state terror organization,
compared them to the Gestapo and KGB. They didn't fool around,
and that's the way they were viewed by the United States while
the US was supporting them, and Britain was supporting them enthusiastically,
and so on. In fact their international terror activities only
stopped when they went one step too far. They murdered a well-known
diplomat in Washington DC, and that's not allowed, so they were
sort of called off and stayed pretty brutal, but not that bad.
Well that's one event
September 11th, 1973. Happens to be one in which the US
was only indirectly involved. If we take those which the
US carried out itself, then the scale isuncountable. I mean,
take the one case where the US was indeed condemned for international
terrorism and ordered to terminate the crime, namely the attack
on Nicaragua, which went to the World Court. The World Court
had to take a very narrow case, because the US had excluded itself
from all international treaties. So the US cannot be brought
to the World Court for major crimes, for example the supreme
international crime, invasion, or violation of the UN Charter,
or violation of the Genocide Convention, these are things the
US is exempt from, because they exempted themselves from
being subjected to international treaties in World Court proceedings.
So the World Court had to deal
with Nicaragua case on extremely narrow grounds, just
bilateral Nicaragua-US treaties, and customary international
law. Nevertheless the Court condemned the US for what it called
unlawful use of force, gave a pretty broad judgment, well beyond
the actual terms of the case, ordered the US to terminate the
crimes, pay substantial reparations. The US ignored the ruling,
vetoed two Security Council resolutions affirming it, and went
on with the war.
The end result was, again in
per capita terms, about the equivalent of 2.5 million people
being killed in the United States. More than the number
of deaths in all wars including the Civil War in US history,
destroyed the country, it's now the second poorest
country in the hemisphere. After the US took it over again in
1990, it went downhill further -- by now, it's estimated that
over half the children under 2 are suffering from severe malnutrition,
I mean, probable brain damage.
In the early 80's, when the
US started the war, Nicaragua was being praised by international
organizations, even international banks, for its substantial
progress, won prizes for improvement, UNICEF prizes for
awards for improvement in child health and development. Now it's
quite the opposite.
I mean this is a single
incident, so it totally outweighs all terrorist activities you
can attribute to anyone else, but it's not even worth discussing.
And that's only one, I'm not
even talking about the major wars like say, Vietnam, which was
straight aggression, can't call it terror, with, who knows, four
million people or so killed, and people still dying from the
effects of massive chemical warfare started by Kennedy. And that's
just the United States. Take a look at other states, they're
not as powerful as the US, but their violence is extraordinary
France in Africa, the British in Kenya and elsewhere, justfar
beyond the scale of any terrorist activity.
Alam: So, so much for the framework of "civilization"
versus "barbarism."
Chomsky: No, it's absurd, I mean look, let's
just take what's the worst atrocity since the Mongol invasions?
You know, it's what happened in Germanyin the late 30's - 40's
primarily. Germany was the peak of Western civilization. It was
the most advanced society in the Western world, in the sciences,
in the arts, in literature, the stellar example of Western
civilization. In fact up until the first World War, when people
turned anti-German, Germany had been described by American political
scientists as the model of democracy. That's the peak of Western
civilization yeah, it's the worst barbarism since the Mongol
invasion. What kind of correlations can one make?
Alam: It's interesting to note that you mentioned
a little bit the 100,000 casualties it's interesting to
note that while much media attention here is focused on the sensationalistic
and gruesome beheadings of perhaps a few dozen foreigners in
Iraq, the same media is more or less silent about the
Lancet report Lancet being the British medical journal
that said about 100,000 Iraqi civilians were killed, mostly
by US bombing, and also missing in the media is talk about the
Iraqi children's malnutrition rates which have apparently doubled.
Chomsky: They're worse than - at the level
of Burundi they're worse than
Uganda and Haiti and that's since the war.
Alam: That actually reminded me of-
Chomsky: In fact the way the media treated this
Lancet report is kind of interesting. I mean it was mentioned
it's not that you couldn't find it. But it was either
ignored or downplayed. The standard reaction to it was well,
that it was just a sample.
Alam: Exactly
Chomsky: How do you know it was accurate, and
maybe the number was smaller and they [Lancet] actually
did give a spread, which was 8,000 to 200,000, which is
Alam: Excluding Fallujah,
too.
Chomsky: Well, let's look at how they did it.
The highest probability estimate was around 100,000. The immediate
reaction has been well, maybe it's much lower. Yeah, maybe it's
much lower maybe it's much higher. In fact they did it
very conservatively. They excluded Fallujah because that would
have raised the estimate, the extrapolated estimate, they included
the Kurdish areas, no fighting there, which would reduce the
extrapolated estimate, and in general they did a careful and
rather conservative analysis.
But it's either been ignored
or the silly claim has been made that, well it's only an estimate,
so maybe it's too high true, it's only an estimate, so
maybe it's too low. In fact that's the way every study is done
of estimated casualties or health studies and so on. But whatever
it is, whether it's 50,000 or 150,000, or whatever the number
might be, it's obviously a major atrocity.
And in fact, it's not exactly
correct that the media haven't reported the war crimes. They
often report them and celebrate them. So take for example
the invasion of Fallujah, which is one of the it's a major
war crime, it's very similar to the Russian destruction of Grozny
10 years earlier, a city of approximately the same size, bombed
to rubble, people driven out.
Alam: They herded all the males, I think, they didn't
let them escape the corridor.
Chomsky: Which incidentally is very much like
Srebrenica which is universally condemned as genocide --
Srebrenica was an enclave, lightly protected by UN forces, which
was being used as a base for attacking nearby Serb villages.
It was known that there's going to be retaliation. When there
was a retaliation, it was vicious. They trucked out all the women
and children, they kept the men inside, and apparently slaughtered
them. The estimates are thousands of people slaughtered.
Well, with Fallujah, the US
didn't truck out the women and children, it bombed
them out. There was about a month of bombing, bombed out
of the city, if they could get out somehow, a couple hundred
thousand people fled, or somehow got out, and as you say men
were kept in and we don't know what happened after that, we don't
estimate [the casualties for which we are responsible].
But what was dramatic about
Fallujah was that it was not kept secret. So you could see on
the front page of the New York Times, a big picture of
the first majorstep in the offensive, namely the capture of the
Fallujah general hospital. And there's a picture of people lying
on the ground, soldier guarding them, and then there's a story
that tells that patients and doctors were taken from patients
were taken from their beds, patients and doctors were forced
to lie on the floor and manacled, under guard, and the picture
described it.
-- The president of the United
States is subject to death penalty under US law for that crime
- alone. I mean that's a grave breach of the Geneva Conventions,
Geneva Conventions say explicitly and unambiguously that
hospitals must be protected, hospitals and medical staff and
patients must be protected by all combatants in any conflict.
You couldn't have a more grave breach of the Geneva Conventions
than that.
There's a War Crimes Act in
the United States passed by a Republican Congress in 1996, which
says that grave breaches of the Geneva Convention are subject
to the death penalty. And that doesn't mean the soldier that
committed them, that means the commanders. They weren't thinking
about the United States of course, but take it literally, that's
what it means.
And then they went onto explain
why they carried out this war crime in the general hospital.
New York Times explained calmly that it was done because
the US command described the Fallujah general hospital as a propaganda
outlet for the guerrillas because they were reporting casualties.
I -- don't know if the Nazis produced things like that. Of course
the Times said it was "inflated" casualties
- how do we know it was inflated?
Alam: We don't even count'em.
Chomsky: Well our Dear Leader said it was inflated,
so that means that since we're like North Korea, it has to be
inflated. But suppose it was. I mean the idea of carrying out
a major war crime, explicit, because the hospital was a propaganda
weapon by distributing casualty figures, I mean you really have
to work to find an analog to that.
And then it went on, destroying
the whole city. Finally they end up saying well the Marines are
going to face a serious challenge of regaining the confidence
of the people of Fallujah after having destroyed their city.
Yeah, it's going to be a pretty serious challenge. It's also
described how they're going to do it by instituting a police
state.
Alam: Right.
Chomsky: Nobody will be allowed into Fallujah
until they undergo retinal scans and fingerprinting and they're
going to be marked and identified, do everything except put chips
in them, maybe they'll get to that next time, organize them into
work gangs, in which they'll be compelled under the order to
rebuild what the US has destroyed. Try and find a counterpart
to that. And that's just <i>one</i> war crime,
one part of the general atrocities.
In fact, you could argue that
it's insignificant. By the principles of the Nuremberg Tribunal,
which the US initiated and carried out, it concluded that the
supreme international crime is invasion, aggression, and that
supreme crime includes within it all the evil that follows. So
therefore the doubling of malnutrition rates, the maybe 100,000
casualties, the grave war crimes in Fallujah, they're all footnotes,
they're footnotes to the supreme international crime.
And that crime is taken pretty
seriously. In Nuremberg they did not try soldiers, and they didn't
try company commanders, they tried the the people who were
on trial and hanged - were the top command. Like the German Foreign
Minister was hanged. Because of participation in the supreme
international crime which encompasses all the evil that follows.
Do we hear anything about that?
Alam: Right.
Chomsky: But you can't say it's concealed. What
I've just talked about is all quoted from the front pages. Which
is even more astonishing. Actually, you know, that, however awful
it is, it's a big improvement over the past. I mean <i>much</i>
worse than this was happening in Vietnam and there wasn't even
any concern. It's hard to say the words, but there's been a lot
of progress since then. I mean now at least many people find
it appalling. It went on in Vietnam at a much higher level for
<i>years</i>, literally years, and there was
no protest at all. I mean the war in Vietnam started in 1962,
was really a war against South Vietnam. Kennedy launched it in
1962, was very brutal from the start. Bombing, chemical warfare,
to destroy crops and cover to undercut support for indigenous
guerrillas -- driving millions of people into what amounted
to concentration camps, or urban slums.
By the time protests developed,
1966 or 67, South Vietnam had virtually been destroyed. I mean
the leading and most respected rather hawkish military analyst
on Vietnam,
[the Indochina] specialist Bernard Fall, by 1966 and 67,
was writing he wondered whether Vietnam as a historic and cultural
entity would escape extinction, under the heaviest attack that
had ever been suffered by an area that size. Well, [for]
years there was almost no protest. Bad now, but a lot of improvement
in the last 33 years.
Alam: This brings to mind actually, for me anyway,
a quote, from Mark Twain's Connecticut Yankee, maybe you could
find something in it to comment on, he wrote of the French
Revolution I think he was speaking of :
"There were two 'Reigns
of Terror' if we would remember it and consider it; the one wrought
in hot passion, the other in heartless cold bloodour shudders
are all for the 'horrors' of the minor Terror, the momentary
Terror, so to speak, whereas, what is the horror of swift death
by the axe compared with lifelong death from hunger, cold, insult,
cruelty, and heartbreak? A city cemetery could contain the coffins
filled by that brief Terror which we have all been so diligently
taught to shiver at and mourn over; but all France could hardly
contain the coffins filled by that older and real Terror, that
unspeakably bitter and awful Terror, which none of us have been
taught to see in its vastness or pity as it deserves."
Do you think one of the functions
of the mainstream media in either not really allowing the
allowing for the vastness or the pity of the crimes that are
deserved to be seen or really experienced is that simply
reflecting the prejudices and racism of American society, or
is it actually creating the prejudices of American society?
Chomsky: The media are, in this respect, just
part of the general intellectual culture, which includes all
of us, including you and me. I mean, we don't see, we prefer
not to see the horrible crimes that are going on all the time,
which we could do something about easily. So take say, we just
passed the 10th anniversary of the Rwanda massacres, which were
pretty horrible, maybe 8,000 people killed a day for a 100 days.
Pretty awful massacre. And there's a lot of wringing of hands
and lamentations about how we didn't do anything about it, we
didn't intervene, we didn't send military forces, and so on,
wasn't that terrible. Well yeah, it was pretty terrible, but
let's take a look at today.
Right now, about the same number
of people, about 8,000 people, about 8,000 children in fact,
are dying in southern Africa every day from easily treatable
diseases. We add hunger, it's going to go way up, let's keep
to easily treatable diseases. That's Rwanda-level killing among
children only, in southern Africa, not for 100 days, but every
day. There's a very easy way to deal with it, namely bribe
pharmaceutical corporations to provide them with drugs and the
limited infrastructure that's required. [But almost no one is]
talking about it. I mean that's far worse than Rwanda.
Furthermore if we go a step
further and ask ourselves speaking of barbarism what
kind of society do we live in where the only way we can think
of preventing Rwanda-level killing among children everyday is
by bribing private tyrannies to do something about it. I mean
that itself is beyond barbarism.
But we accept that, we don't
think about it, we prefer not to think about it. It's not that
we worry about small crimes rather than big ones, it's that attention
is focused on anything that's done against us. What we
do to others just doesn't matter. And it's not specific to the
United States, it's quite general. It's an unfortunate part of
dominant cultures and powerful societies.
Alam: With all the grandiose rhetoric about "barbarism,"
it's also interesting to note that the Pentagon's own Defense
Science Board, composed of top military commanders and intelligence
figures, issued a report about two months ago declaring that
resentment in the Islamic world is mainly due to US support for
Israel and US support for Arab dictatorships, and not about an
inner hatred or hatred of Western values themselves. But if the
top people in the Pentagon and the military understand this,
then why is there such a large disconnect in what they themselves
concede and what they say I mean what are the strategic
imperatives that are so great that they are willing to incur
the wrath?
Chomsky: That was an interesting report [interruption,
door is opened, background noise continues from here on]
this Pentagon report which was sort of interesting, is virtually
a repetition, almost a verbatim repetition of a report by the
NSC in 1958 when President Eisenhower raised the question with
his staff, why there is a campaign of hatred against us in the
Arab world, and not among governments but from the people. That's
Eisenhower, 1958, why is there a campaign of hatred against us
in the Arab world. An answer was given in an analysis by the
National Security Council in 1958: it's because there's a perception
in the Arab that the United States supports brutal and repressive
regimes and blocks democracy and development, and we do it because
we want to get control of oil and resources their oil.
That's 1958. And they went on to say, yes the perception's accurate,
and we're going to continue doing it. That's been perfectly well
known for years that that was the case.
It's exacerbated further by
specific policies. Right after 9-11, as far as I know one newspaper
in the United States had the integrity to investigate opinion
in the Muslim world, the Wall Street Journal. They kept
to the people they cared about, what they called moneyed Muslims,
managers of multinational corporations, international lawyers,
you know their type of people so there's no concern
about globalization or anything else, they're part of the US-run
system. But they had the same results they had as in 1958, as
the Pentagon just reported. They hate and fear bin Laden, who's
trying to destroy them, but nevertheless they express
understanding for the position that he articulates, and they
hate US policy, because it supports brutal and oppressive regimes,
blocks democracy and development, because of the support for
Israeli aggression and atrocities at that time, because of the
Iraq sanctions, which were killing hundreds of thousands of people,
devastating society, and caused enormous anger.
The Pentagon report is just
repeating what anybody knew who had their eyes open. The fact
that it was regarded as a surprise in the United States just
shows how much intellectuals prefer to keep their eyes closed.
What they said is correct, furthermore you can read it - it's
articulated almost the same way in 1958, it's found in every
study since. Furthermore you can find it any book on terrorism
any serious book on terrorism, not just anyone ranting
and screaming but someone taking it seriously, say, Jason
Burke's study of al-Qaeda, which is the best one around, or just
about anyone you pick.
They don't hate our freedom,
you know, what they hate is US policies, and for good reason,
because those policies have been crushing them for years. So
yeah, they hate the policies. Pentagon just discovered
re-discovered what everybody with eyes open already knew,
and these 1958 reports have been declassified for about 15 years,
I was writing about them in 1990. Just better not to it's
easier to just stand on a pedestal and scream about Islamic fascism
and how it's trying to destroy us. It doesn't require thinking
about the policies and doing something about them.
Furthermore that's true of
what's called terrorism in general I mean, it doesn't come
out of nowhere. Take say the IRA which the US was pretty
much supporting, it was being funded IRA terrorism, which
was pretty serious was being funded from the United States
including church collections, FBI knew about it, wouldn't do
anything about it. It was pretty awful, but it was not without
reasons, it did draw on a reservoir of sympathy among the population,
who understood the grievances that they were talking about were
real...In fact when the British finally responded not by greater
violence, but by paying some attention to the grievances, it
led to significant improvements. In fact, big improvements. Of
course, Belfast is not heaven, but it's enormously improved over
what it was ten years ago.
And that's generally the case.
And furthermore every serious specialist on terrorism knows it.
You take a look at say, Israeli intelligence, I mean the former
heads of this Shin Bet have spoken about this - the current ones
can't but the former ones have - the former heads of military
intelligence, and they all said the same thing: until you treat
the Palestinians with respect, until you grant them their elementary
rights, you're never going to stop terrorism. That's the way
to do it they have grievances, the grievances are real,
we're treating them with contempt and humiliation and destruction,
we're stealing their land and resources. [There's something
like a] near-universal consensus on this, among people
who care about the topic.
[Interruption, another interview
beckons]
Alam: Thank you very much Professor, thank you for
your time.
M. Junaid Alam is co-editor of the radical youth
journal Left Hook,
where this interview originally appeared. He can be reached at
alam@lefthook.org
Weekend Edition
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The Case of Captain R.
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